Suchergebnisse

Compared to previous years, women's participation in the political arena in the country in the last few years increased significantly. In the 2019 national elections, at the central level, 16 political parties had won a 30 percent quota for women candidates. This is certainly our appreciation, although the representation of women's representation at the provincial and district/city levels is still far from ideal. Likewise with the participation of female representatives from Nahdlatul Ulama. The results of the 2019 elections were quite significant changes, both representative from Fatayat and Muslimat. However, this significant increase in terms of numbers left a trap that seemed to entwine other NU women in the arena of national politics. Many NU women who opposed and issued him out of the ordinary, even raised in the discussion room, were unable to NU politics that adopted a system of the breed, dynasty, and over budgeting. Successful NU women "have no clear breed" have to settle for playing in the periphery of political space.

The contemporary international regime of law and politics regarding human migration largely follows Immanuel Kant's contradictory approach, supporting the cosmopolitical rights of humans to move and expect hospitality while privileging the rights of sovereign states to assert territorial security against movement. International Relations scholars informed by Jacques Derrida's ethical theory argue that one may press this tension to positive dynamics through affirmation of the aporia that a secured home is a requirement for the possibility of the hospitality that might undo conflict between migrants and emplaced citizens. Yet, the attraction of Derrida's critical Kantianism and this revival of hospitality depends on asserting the primacy of habitation to how citizen subjects stand with respect to foreigners who move. It depends on neglecting how any assumption of home is not based on a given home but, rather, on movements to impose the boundaries and bounty of a home. No one faces the movement of others who seek to make home from the position of home but only also in movements of homemaking. Both the citizen and the migrant move in forms of imposition. And it is only in a politics of imposition that rights to move can be affirmed and gain respect.

Ergebnisse einer Studienreise, die 1984 von 12 Vertretern der Nordic UN Association nach Bhutan unternommen wurde. Die Delegation bekam aufgrund ihrer Reiseform einen tieferen Einblick in das Alltagsleben der Bhutanesen als die meisten anderen Delegationen. Es werden Hintergrundinformationen zu Bhutan gegeben und Entwicklungsstrategien für das Land aufgezeigt. (DÜI-Xyl)

The implementation of village head election regulations in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, compared to the New Order period showed a number of positive steps. Free elections occur with the high public participation, direct elections with the principle of one man one vote. The juridical, sociological and cultural impact of the election dispute in the village head in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, was that violence exploded when the defeated candidates for the village head vent their disappointment. The result is a personal grudge that continues to be carried out, as well as hostility between supporters who are actually neighbors. Another striking color in the elections is money politics to buy votes. The steps to resolve the dispute in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, are the first, re-counting of votes and ending in re-election. Secondly, in order to appear unsuspecting BPD as a village consultative body forms a third party as a mediator and supervisor. Third, there is a strict escort from the police at allstages of the election. The fourth, documents were transferred to the Surabaya Administrative Court as a form of claim for revoking the Tulungagung Regent Decree in the determination of the Wonorejo village head election.

The implementation of village head election regulations in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, compared to the New Order period showed a number of positive steps. Free elections occur with the high public participation, direct elections with the principle of one man one vote. The juridical, sociological and cultural impact of the election dispute in the village head in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, was that violence exploded when the defeated candidates for the village head vent their disappointment. The result is a personal grudge that continues to be carried out, as well as hostility between supporters who are actually neighbors. Another striking color in the elections is money politics to buy votes. The steps to resolve the dispute in Wonorejo Village, Sumbergempol Subdistrict, Tulungagung Regency, are the first, re-counting of votes and ending in re-election. Secondly, in order to appear unsuspecting BPD as a village consultative body forms a third party as a mediator and supervisor. Third, there is a strict escort from the police at all stages of the election. The fourth, documents were transferred to the Surabaya Administrative Court as a form of claim for revoking the Tulungagung Regent Decree in the determination of the Wonorejo village head election.Keywords: Dispute Results, Village Head, Dispute Resolution

This study appraises the post-event perceptions and experiences of African immigrant residents, with respect to the 2010 FIFA World Cup hosted in South Africa. The study is unique, in that the subject matter covered has not yet received systematic attention in the research literature on mega sport events in South Africa. In the vast body of scholarly articles that has emerged on the dynamics and consequences of the 2010 event, there have been increasing studies on citizens? perceptions, however a few, if any research have examined the attitude and perceptions of African migrants. Given that the latter social category has been relatively marginalised in terms of South Africa?s recent political economy, and the World Cup was framed as ?an African World Cup?, this research contributes to an under-researched dimension of the politics of mega sport events in South Africa. Through a multi-method approach, drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methodology, the study offers insights into the way in which a sample of migrants (n=400) in and around the city of Cape Town viewed and framed experiences of the post-event. The key findings of the study reveal perceptions and experiences related to certain predefined African legacy intentions to have been largely positive, as the majority of resident African immigrants in Cape Town perceived that the event has benefited African citizens in terms of job creation, accelerated the development of African football, increased tourism and investment opportunities in Africa etc. The article recommends the need to undertake further empirical studies in order to test, verify and provide precise evidence on how, and to what extent, African countries benefited from the 2010 mega event. ; Cape Peninsula University of Technology