Suchergebnisse

This thesis consists of three independent essays studying the interactions between economics, politics and religion, Islam, in particular. In the first essay "Render unto Caesar: Taxes, Charity and Political Islam," we investigate the origins of support for religious parties. Using an original nationally representative micro-level data I collected in Tunisia, we find that economic status determines the choice to vote for religious parties as much or more than individual religiosity. We also offer a theoretical explanation for this phenomenon, grounded on the link between religious parties and charities. In the second essay "Envy and the Islamic Revival: Experimental Evidence from Tunisia," I investigate the psychological factors at the origin of the Islamic revival, defined as the recent resurgence of Islamic culture and against previous trends of "westernization." I rely on experimental evidence I collected in Tunisia and find that envy triggers support for the Islamic revival especially among highly religious individuals. Survey data provides consistent results with my experimental findings. In the third essay "Are Muslim immigrants really different? Experimental Evidence from the Lebanese Australian Community" we investigate the effect of religion, i.e. being Muslim, by comparing whether Muslim behave differently to their Christian counterparts towards female and poor recipients. We use experimental evidence that we collected in Sydney among the Lebanese migrant community and find that when compared to Christians, Muslims are significantly more cooperative with the poor and that this effect is stronger when the poor recipient is female.

ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the relationship between access to infrastructure services and support for religious parties based on the evidence produced by a recent democratic experience in Tunisia in which a religious political party, Ennahdha, governed from 2011 to 2014. The experience points to a complex relationship. In the 2011 election, areas with higher access are associated with higher support for Ennahdha than areas with lower access. In the 2014 election, however, infrastructure access is positively correlated with support for the party in areas where access had improved but negatively correlated with support for the party in areas that already had high access. A possible pragmatic general implication is that, to be politically competitive, religious parties, cannot bet solely on their religious commitment to provide basic services, including infrastructure, to the poor. They need to recognize the multiplicity of voter's concerns and their evolving agenda.

A recent democratic experience in Tunisia in which a religious political party, Ennahdha, took over government for 3 years, provides an opportunity to learn from the interactions between the support to religious parties and improvements in infrastructure access rates. The correlation is not simple. Ennahdha did get, initially, political credit for improvements in regions with low initial networked water connections and it did deliver to the regions where they enjoyed political support. But the support faded as access improved, reducing the political attractiveness of the sector or at least reducing it importance as compared to other concerns voters may have. For sanitation, a correlation is also noted but it is much less robust. Tunisia's experience suggests that the reputation of religious parties to care for the unmet needs of population is, at least, partially justified. However, water seems to be a much more effective and reliable voters' grabber than sanitation and this may penalize investment in sanitation, a matter of concern since it has significant health and environmental effects. Moreover, once voters enjoy enough access and once they have seen the overall performance of the party, they treat the party like any other ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

We study the effect of exposure to colonial public primary education on contemporary education outcomes in Tunisia. We assemble a new data set on the location of schools with the number of pupils by origin, along with population data during the French protectorate (1881-1956). We match those with contemporary data on education at both district and individual level. We find that the exposure of local population to colonial public primary education has a long-lasting effect on educational outcomes, even when controlling for colonial investments in education. A one per cent increase in Tunisian enrolment rate in 1931 is associated with a 1.69 percentage points increase in literacy rate in 2014. Our results are driven by older generations, namely individuals who attended primary schools before the 1989/91 education reform. We suggest that the efforts undertaken by the Tunisian government after independence to promote schooling finally paid off after 40 years and overturned the effects of history.

AbstractAre religious believers more prosocial than other people? In a trust game field experiment with 774 subjects in Haiti, we elicit willingness to pay to play in the presence of religious images, and argue that this can be interpreted as a measure of the strength of religiosity. More religious individuals trust others more and reciprocate more than others, with effect sizes between 14% and 21% of mean behaviour depending on the measure. They do not reciprocate more in the presence of religious images than without them, nor towards members of the same denomination as themselves. The results support the view that religious affiliation is correlated with intrinsic trustworthiness. We show that lab behaviour correlates with intuitive measures of religiosity outside the lab and with participation in borrowing and lending networks.