Suchergebnisse

THE DECADE OF THE 1970S WITNESSED INCREASED NUMBERS OF FEMALE STATE LEGISLATORS DESPITE CHANGES IN THE COMPETITION RATIO (DECREASED NUMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE SEATS AFTER REAPPORTIONMENTS AND INCREASED POPULATION), WHICH AT THE BEGINNING OF THE DECADE WAS FOUND TO BE RELATED TO THE VARYING PERCENTAGE OF STATE LEGISLATIVE SEATS HELD BY WOMEN. THIS STUDY OF GEORGIA ELECTORAL POLITICS CHARTS THE INCREASES OF WOMEN IN OFFICE IN A POLITICAL CULTURE NOT THEORETICALLY CONDUCIVE TO WOMEN'S ELECTORAL GAINS, EXAMINES THE FACTORS IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS RELATED TO INCREASED SUCCESS AMONG WOMEN SEEKING NOMINATION AND ELECTION TO THE STATE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND COMPARES WOMEN'S AND MEN'S CHANCES FOR ELECTORAL SUCCESS TO THE STATE HOUSE. THE SUCCESSFUL WOMEN WERE MOST LIKELY TO RUN IN CONTESTED RACES NOT INVOLVING INCUMBENTS IN URBAN DISTRICTS, THOUGH INCREASING NUMBERS OF WOMEN RAN AS INCUMBENTS BY 1978. THE SUCCESS RATES OF WOMEN, THOUGH IMPROVING, WERE STILL NOT AT PARITY WITH MEN'S SUCCESS RATES.

I am not going to talk a lot about my career (I have written about it.) I started working at the age of 16 and retired early at the age of 58. So I worked for 42 years, including several years as a secretary in academia before I was able to go to school and get a graduate education; I got my Ph.D. at the age of 34. I taught for 25 years at Georgia State University.

Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.

Every social institution is affected by the way in which its internal processes are publicized. For example, the survival of the family as a social institution depends to a great extent on its privacy. It is almost impossible to imagine what forces in society might be released if all conflict in the private domain were thrown open for public exploitation.When E. E. Schattschneider wrote the above passage in 1960, (inThe Semisovereign People,p. 17), he could not know that the women's movement was about to resurface not only in the United States but around the world, and that one of its aims would be exactly to expose the "conflict in the private domain" of the family. The ideology of "the family," the power relations in families—these and other "family"-related or other "personal" matters would be questioned in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond.