Suchergebnisse

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the current chaotic condition of the Middle East that was fueled by the traditional competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran. s state and society in every field of life. Principal Findings: The paper argues that the Saudi-Iran's sectarian proxy warfare in the Middle East is a means to counter each other's regional influence that has adverse implications for the internal security of Pakistan that can destroy its economy as well. Methodology: This research is based on a qualitative approach and deductive method. The paper answers four main queries: To what extent the Iran–Saudi Rivalry a result of sectarian aspirations? How are both countries using proxy warfare methods in the region to realize their interests vis a vis each other? What is the role of external powers like the United States or Russia in proxy warfare? How does the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia impact Pakistan? Applications: The study concludes that the outcome of the predicament in the Middle East has produced policy challenges for Pakistan vis-à- vis its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The growing threats of sectarianism, violent extremism, domestic Polarization, and danger to the economic development of Pakistan make it an important player in this competition. Novelty: The traditional Conflict between Saudi and Iran affects the entire region of the Middle East. Sectarianism is one of the serious concerns of all Muslim countries today. It truly has both internal and external sources in other neighbouring Muslim states. Thus, this research provides an understanding to comprehend Pakistan's internal and as well as external problems.

Pakistan's territorial mutilation in the 1971 war with India was the utmost military, psychological and political disaster for Pakistan. Pakistan lost its Eastern wing and more than ninety thousand soldiers, civilians, civilians, and along with the territory, all the same to India. In the prevailing uncertainty, Pakistan vigorously asserted its Islamic Identity to foster its moral, economic, and political interests to revive from the loss. It looked towards the Middle East to revive its national identity and interests' fulfilment. During the Seventies, political changes within the Middle Eastern region were also favourable and useful for promoting Islamic ideology and shared identity. There was much scope to achieve ideological, strategic, economic, and foreign policy objectives that Pakistan missed in the past. The new Pakistani civilian government under Bhutto arranged shuttle diplomacy overtures the Middle Eastern Muslim countries to convince them to help Pakistan rebuild its identity and achieve its interests. Bhutto was one of the principal architects of the newly charged Muslim unity. He skilfully and effectively used the OIC platform to guard the country's identity and interests.

Pakistan's territorial mutilation in the 1971 war with India was the utmost military, psychological and political disaster for Pakistan. Pakistan lost its Eastern wing and more than ninety thousand soldiers, civilians, civilians, and along with the territory, all the same to India. In the prevailing uncertainty, Pakistan vigorously asserted its Islamic Identity to foster its moral, economic, and political interests to revive from the loss. It looked towards the Middle East to revive its national identity and interests' fulfilment. During the Seventies, political changes within the Middle Eastern region were also favourable and useful for promoting Islamic ideology and shared identity. There was much scope to achieve ideological, strategic, economic, and foreign policy objectives that Pakistan missed in the past. The new Pakistani civilian government under Bhutto arranged shuttle diplomacy overtures the Middle Eastern Muslim countries to convince them to help Pakistan rebuild its identity and achieve its interests. Bhutto was one of the principal architects of the newly charged Muslim unity. He skilfully and effectively used the OIC platform to guard the country's identity and interests.

This study primarily focuses on developing an exclusive model, generally explaining the importance of international rivers in the relationships of the nations and particularly interlinked conflict over Kashmir and the Indus River. Conflict is a fact among nations caused because of disputed lands or un-decided borders linked to valuable resources or due to political and ideological differences. Historical differences between Pakistan and India especially about water distributions can leads them towards war. So far, they had fought three wars due to Kashmir's un-resolved issue and an upcoming one could be forecasted to control water resources originating from occupied Kashmir. According to the neo-realistic point of view, this study examines the conflicting interests among India and Pakistan, which are related to Kashmir, and claims that it is not just religious but also geographical as it is connected to the control of river waters. There is very limited significant research present that primarily focuses on this facet of India and Pakistan's relations. The current literature expresses their conflict as of ideological, cultural, and political nature. This model-based research addresses the relationship of water and other related sources to war and peace through a rational research method demonstrated by broadly observed data.

Zia ul-Haq, President of Pakistan (1977-1988), introduced Islam into the public and political realms. Once he grabbed power in Pakistan after ousting the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Islam became his strategic choice to provide legitimacy to his military coup and to expand his role in the Muslim world. Since the independence of Pakistan, the state had used Islam on many occasions to serve its interests. The encouraging results in this respect further induced the state to use Islam more frequently to achieve its domestic and foreign objectives. Zia institutionalized Islam in every aspect of the Pakistani state and society. Religious nationalization was the cornerstone of the Zia regime's internal and external policies. The Islamization of the regime in Pakistan during the 1980s was the zenith of the state's gradual turn towards religion. Regional upheavals such as the Shi'a Islamic revolution in Iran and Soviet invasion of neighboring Afghanistan were incremental to continue Islam as a strategic asset in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy. As a result, Pakistan became the launching pad both for the Middle Eastern Sunni Arabs monarchies and Iran's Shi'a clergy to furnish their political cum sectarian agenda that ultimately ravaged the Pakistani polity and society.

Zia ul-Haq, President of Pakistan (1977-1988), introduced Islam into the public and political realms. Once he grabbed power in Pakistan after ousting the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Islam became his strategic choice to provide legitimacy to his military coup and to expand his role in the Muslim world. Since the independence of Pakistan, the state had used Islam on many occasions to serve its interests. The encouraging results in this respect further induced the state to use Islam more frequently to achieve its domestic and foreign objectives. Zia institutionalized Islam in every aspect of the Pakistani state and society. Religious nationalization was the cornerstone of the Zia regime's internal and external policies. The Islamization of the regime in Pakistan during the 1980s was the zenith of the state's gradual turn towards religion. Regional upheavals such as the Shi'a Islamic revolution in Iran and Soviet invasion of neighboring Afghanistan were incremental to continue Islam as a strategic asset in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy. As a result, Pakistan became the launching pad both for the Middle Eastern Sunni Arabs monarchies and Iran's Shi'a clergy to furnish their political cum sectarian agenda that ultimately ravaged the Pakistani polity and society. Keywords: Identity, Islam, Iran-Saudi rivalry, Middle East, Sectarianism, Afghan Refugee

In the defense community, the use of hybrid warfare has expanded. It is generally labeled as contemporary warfare. The term is usually adopted in strategic documents such as the national government of Pakistan, developing regions, as well as developed nation central such as NATO, and EU, based on which various articles have been presented. However, hybrid warfare has not yet been understood with social media and the opportunities it opens for Pakistan. Primarily, the concern is to assess whether the concept is understood clearly for its strategic implementation, which can help to overcome the risk concerning the defense community. It is suggested that efforts must be improved for enhancing and forming content on the meaning of hybrid warfare. While the social network's effect includes transparency, individuals mobilizing, and collective decision making negative effect that results from hybrid warfare include manipulation, an unregulated environment, and misinformation proliferation.

"This book analyzes the constraints on press freedom and the ways in which independent reporting and reporters are at risk in contemporary Asia to provide a barometer of democratic development in the region. Based on in-depth country case studies written by academics and journalists, and some who straddle both professions, from across the region, this book explores the roles of mainstream and online media, and how they are subject to abuse by the state and vested interests. Specific country chapters provide up-to-date information on Bangladesh, Kashmir, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam, as well as on growing populist and nationalist challenges to media freedom in the Philippines, India, Indonesia and Japan. The book includes a theoretical chapter pulling together trends and common constraints facing newsrooms across Asia and a regional overview on the impact of social media. Three chapters on China provide insights into the country's tightening information environment under President Xi Jinping. Moreover, the legal environment of the media, political and external pressures, economic considerations, audience support and journalists' standards and ethics are explored. As an international and interdisciplinary study, this book will appeal to undergraduates, graduates and scholars engaged in human rights, media studies, democratization, authoritarianism and Asian Studies, as well as Asia specialists, journalists, legal scholars, historians and political scientists"--