Suchergebnisse

El TLC es mucho más que un tratado comercial. El proceso de negociación llevado por el Ecuador adolece de dos aspectos importantes, la premura con la que se están conduciendo las negociaciones (menos de un año), incentivando al gobierno para promover reformas tendientes a ganar niveles de competitividad espuria a costa de bajar estándares laborales y ambientales; y el segundo, la falta de transparencia para presentar a la sociedad el alcance real del TLC y las profundas alteraciones que conlleva sobre la estructura productiva, social, económica y ambiental del país. ; The FTA is much more than a commercial treaty. The Ecuadorian negotiation process has two important negative aspects. First, the speed on which the negotiations are taking place (less than one year), stimulating the government to promote reforms that incite spurious competitiveness, pushing down labor and environmental standards. And second, the lack of transparency in presenting to the society the real scope of the FTA and its deep impact in the productive, social, economic and environmental Ecuadorian structure.

Los autores afirman que los sucesos del 30 de septiembre configuraron un intento de golpe de Estado. Hecho político que demuestra que el cambio institucional impulsado por el Gobierno provoca en determinados grupos de la sociedad ecuatoriana resistencias. Pero, resistencias y conflictos que son propios a cualquier cambio o reforma institucional –neoliberal o postneoliberal como es el caso–, más si estos afectan los mecanismos de poder y privilegios de ciertos sectores. Llama la atención, sin embargo, el grado de violencia que estos grupos están dispuestos a suscitar para truncar este proceso de reformas. De allí que los autores planteen una reflexión sobre este hecho. ; The authors maintain that the events of September 30 constitute a coup attempt. This is a political fact that demonstrates that the change promoted by the Government has provoked resistance from some groups in Ecuadorian society. However, resistance and conflicts are the response to all change and institutional reform, whether neoliberal or, as in this case, postneoliberal, since said change affects the mechanisms of power and privilege of certain sectors. However, what is surprising is the degree of violence that these groups are prepared to foment in order to put an end to the reform process. From this observation, the authors propose a reflection on the event.

Can a country with an open economy tending toward reprimarization achieve a form of integration into the global economy other than the one determined by Latin America's historical dependency? Dependency has created trade and technological gaps, among them the one generated by the physical balance (exporting more than is imported). In Ecuador, the Citizens' Revolution government is attempting to overcome these structural problems by rejecting free-trade agreements and foreign investment that could yield negative balances or threaten national sovereignty. Its new productive model is based on the development of basic industry, the selective replacement of imports, and an intelligent diversification of the exportable supply. The idea is to achieve a society based more on producing services, less dependent on the extraction of natural resources, and with greater generation capacity in science, technology, and innovation. Although the plan faces an adverse international order, it could benefit from the new moment of political and financial integration in Latin America. ¿Puede un país con una economía abierta y una tendencia a la reprimarización lograr una forma de integración en la economía mundial que no esté determinada por la dependencia histórica de Latinoamérica? La dependencia ha creado brechas en el comercio y la tecnología, incluyendo aquella generada por el equilibrio fiscal (exportando más de lo que se importa). En Ecuador, el gobierno de la Revolución Ciudadana intenta superar estos problemas estructurales al rechazar los acuerdos de libre comercio e inversión extranjera que podrían producir saldos negativos o amenazar la soberanía nacional. Su nuevo modelo productivo se basa en el desarrollo de la industria básica, la sustitución selectiva de importaciones, y una inteligente diversificación de la oferta exportable. La idea es lograr una sociedad que se base preponderantemente en la producción de servicios, dependa menos de la extracción de recursos naturales, y tenga mayor capacidad de generación en las áreas de ciencia, tecnología e innovación. Aunque el plan se enfrenta a un orden internacional adverso, podría beneficiarse del nuevo momento de integración política y económica en América Latina.

Este artículo examina la pertinencia o no de firmar el Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLC) con los Estados Unidos, dado el estado actual de las negociaciones, el contexto político y los escenarios posibles en caso de no concretarse este acuerdo. Se concluye con la necesidad de darle un mayor contenido a la posibilidad de no firmar el TLC, en tanto que se requieren propuestas concretas para una inserción dinámica del país en el mercado mundial, para consolidar incluso sus relaciones con los Estados Unidos y, sobre todo, para construir una integración verdadera, que no sea simplemente la reedición de caducas prácticas integracionistas. ; This article examines the convenience or not to sign the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, given the present condition of the negotiations, the political context, and the possible settings in case this agreement doesn't take shape. It concludes with the need to give greater content to the possibility of not signing the Agreement, whereas concrete proposals for a dynamic insertion of the country in the world-wide market are required, to even consolidate its relations with the United States and, mainly, to build a true integration, that is not simply the re-edition of defunct integrationist practices.

Abstract Food self-sufficiency is a relevant political issue in many countries, developed and developing, particularly to satisfy the internal nutritional needs of the population and face situations in which the prices of basic products are unstable or when a country faces an external shock. Improving resilience involves strengthening local rural communities to meet demand with domestic production. The member countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCN) produce enough food to sustain their population and to be one of the world's largest food exporters. From the theoretical discussion and using data from FAO, the research shows that there is a potential to improve food sovereignty and to define food and agricultural policies through agricultural complementarity among the LCN countries. Diverting part of the current trade with third parties to intraregional trade, for products in which the region has a comparative advantage, would mean that LCN countries could save up to 2.7 billion dollars per year, that is, 6.8% of total imports of food in 2018, avoiding the outflow of foreign currency and promoting greater economic integration between countries.

Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu CEX2019-000940-M ; Food self-sufficiency is a relevant political issue in many countries, developed and developing, particularly to satisfy the internal nutritional needs of the population and face situations in which the prices of basic products are unstable or when a country faces an external shock. Improving resilience involves strengthening local rural communities to meet demand with domestic production. The member countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCN) produce enough food to sustain their population and to be one of the world's largest food exporters. From the theoretical discussion and using data from FAO, the research shows that there is a potential to improve food sovereignty and to define food and agricultural policies through agricultural complementarity among the LCN countries. Diverting part of the current trade with third parties to intraregional trade, for products in which the region has a comparative advantage, would mean that LCN countries could save up to 2.7 billion dollars per year, that is, 6.8%of total imports of food in 2018, avoiding the outflow of foreign currency and promoting greater economic integration between countries.