Suchergebnisse

L'articolo propone un rinnovato sguardo interpretativo su Vincenzo Tieri, figura non secondaria del teatro italiano del Novecento. Dalle prime esperienze, nel giornalismo e nel teatro amatoriali, alla piena maturità artistica a Roma. Qui il debutto nella scrittura teatrale, cui seguì un decennio dedicato alla critica. Poi il successo, con Taide, la sua commedia più fortunata, nel 1932. A seguire, l'attività di sceneggiatore e l'impegno politico nel Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque di Giannini e nell'Assemblea Costituente. Gli incarichi istituzionali, quale componente della commissione per la vigilanza sulle radiodiffusioni e presidente della SIAD, presidente dell'IDI e commissario della Sezione Dor della SIAE. Nel dopoguerra si misurò con la regia e diresse il Piccolo teatro di Palermo nel biennio 1955-'57. Nel 1959, riprese l'attività giornalistica come critico teatrale e televisivo, su «Telesera» e «Il Tempo», sino alla morte, sopraggiunta il 4 gennaio 1970. ; The article offers a renewed interpretative gaze on Vincenzo Tieri, a not secondary figure of the Italian theater of the twentieth century. From the first experiences, in amateur journalism and theater, to full artistic maturity in Rome. Here the debut in theatrical writing, which was followed by a decade dedicated to criticism. Then the success, with Taide, his most fortunate comedy, in 1932. To follow, his work as a screenwriter and political commitment in Giannini's Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque and in the Assemblea Costituente. Institutional positions, as a member of the broadcasting supervision commission and chairman of the SIAD, chairman of the IDI and commissioner of the Dor Section of the SIAE. After the war he measured himself with directing and directed the Piccolo Teatro di Palermo in the two-year period 1955-57. In 1959, he resumed journalistic activity as a theater and television critic, on «Telesera» and «Il Tempo», until his death on January 4, 1970.

This article explores how the politics and economics of austerity has influenced collective bargaining between the CUPE Locals 79/416 and the city of Toronto. I explore the relationship between neoliberalism and workplace precarity, drawing attention to the importance of the municipal public sector to trade unionism and the political potential of urbanized Left-labour radicalism. Following this, I provide an overview of the repeated attempts by City Council to extract concessions from unionized workers with a focus on the concession-filled 2012 round of bargaining and its relationship to earlier rounds. In what follows I discuss the implications of austerity bargaining for Locals 79 and 416 members, drawing attention to the repercussions this may have for other public sector workers. To conclude, I propose an alternative political strategy for municipal public sector unions, stressing the importance of a radicalized labour approach. It is my contention that this requires the development of both alternative policies and an alternative politics rooted in demands for workplace democracy and social justice.

This article explores how the politics and economics of austerity has influenced collective bargaining between the CUPE Locals 79/416 and the city of Toronto. I explore the relationship between neoliberalism and workplace precarity, drawing attention to the importance of the municipal public sector to trade unionism and the political potential of urbanized Left-labour radicalism. Following this, I provide an overview of the repeated attempts by City Council to extract concessions from unionized workers with a focus on the concession-filled 2012 round of bargaining and its relationship to earlier rounds. In what follows I discuss the implications of austerity bargaining for Locals 79 and 416 members, drawing attention to the repercussions this may have for other public sector workers. To conclude, I propose an alternative political strategy for municipal public sector unions, stressing the importance of a radicalized labour approach. It is my contention that this requires the development of both alternative policies and an alternative politics rooted in demands for workplace democracy and social justice.

This article examines the deepening integration of market imperatives throughout the province of Ontario. We do this by, first, examining neoliberalism's theoretical underpinnings, second, reviewing Ontario's historical context, and third, scrutinizing the Open Ontario Plan, with a focus on proposed changes to employment standards legislation. We argue that contrary to claims of shared restraint and the pressing need for public austerity, Premier McGuinty's Liberal's have re-branded and re-packaged core neoliberal policies in such a manner that costs are socialized and profits privatized, thereby intensifying class polarization along with its racialized and gendered diversities. Cet article analyse l'intégration de plus en plus profonde des impératifs du marché dans la province de l'Ontario. Nous faisons cette analyse, premièrement, en analysant les bases théoriques du néolibéralisme, deuxièmement, en décrivant le contexte historique de l'Ontario, et troisièmement, en examinant le "Open Ontario Plan", sous l'angle particulier des propositions de changement de la législation sur le droit du travail. Nous soutenons que sous le couvert de discours prônant le partage de l'austérité et l'impérieuse nécessité de restreindre les dépenses publiques, les Libéraux du Premier McGuinty ont ré-étiqueté et reformulé les politiques néolibérales de façon que les coûts soient socialisés et les profits privatisés, aggravant ainsi la polarisation des classes ainsi que les inégalités liées à la race et au genre.

This article examines the deepening integration of market imperatives throughout the province of Ontario. We do this by, first, examining neoliberalism's theoretical underpinnings, second, reviewing Ontario's historical context, and third, scrutinizing the Open Ontario Plan, with a focus on proposed changes to employment standards legislation. We argue that contrary to claims of shared restraint and the pressing need for public austerity, Premier McGuinty's Liberal's have re-branded and re-packaged core neoliberal policies in such a manner that costs are socialized and profits privatized, thereby intensifying class polarization along with its racialized and gendered diversities. Cet article analyse l'intégration de plus en plus profonde des impératifs du marché dans la province de l'Ontario. Nous faisons cette analyse, premièrement, en analysant les bases théoriques du néolibéralisme, deuxièmement, en décrivant le contexte historique de l'Ontario, et troisièmement, en examinant le "Open Ontario Plan", sous l'angle particulier des propositions de changement de la législation sur le droit du travail. Nous soutenons que sous le couvert de discours prônant le partage de l'austérité et l'impérieuse nécessité de restreindre les dépenses publiques, les Libéraux du Premier McGuinty ont ré-étiqueté et reformulé les politiques néolibérales de façon que les coûts soient socialisés et les profits privatisés, aggravant ainsi la polarisation des classes ainsi que les inégalités liées à la race et au genre.

Drawing on interview and focus group data, this article explores research undertaken as part of a larger research project exploring precarity in the nonprofit employment services sector in a mid‐sized Canadian city. We critically survey major legislative changes to Canadian employment and income security policies and programs, including the restructuring of work and labor relations, growth of performance‐based contracting‐out, erosion of intergovernmental transfers, worker stress, and emotional tolls. Our study's results demonstrate how employment precarity in the nonprofit employment services sector is amplified by top‐down and centralized relationships with funding partners and policymaking divorced from the employment experiences of frontline staff. We make the case that it is important to work against rising workplace precarity to strengthen organizational and workplace conditions, as well as build environments more supportive of optimal employment support services.En se fondant sur des entretiens et des données découlant de groupes témoins, cet article présente des explorations entreprises dans une recherche plus large étudiant la précarité dans le secteur des emplois de service dans une ville canadienne de taille moyenne. Nous faisons une revue critique de changements importants intervenus dans la législation portant sur l'emploi au Canada et les politiques et programmes de la sécurité du revenu, incluant la restructuration du travail et des relations de travail, l'augmentation de la privatisation se fondant sur la performance, la diminution des transferts intergouvernementaux, le stress au travail et les conséquences émotionnelles. Les résultats de notre recherche démontrent comment la précarité de l'emploi dans les secteurs des services à but non lucratif est amplifiée par des relations allant du haut vers le bas et centralisée avec des partenaires et des politiques séparés de l'expérience des travailleurs sur le terrain. Nous démontrons qu'il est important de travailler contre la précarisation en renforçant les conditions organisationnelles et de travail, tout en construisant des environnements favorisant une offre de services de l'emploi optimaux.