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Cynthia Miller-Idriss, Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020. ISBN 9780691203836.

Social exclusion is a term which was introduced in the social sciences in the early 1990s in order to extend the focus beyond poverty by focusing on the relation between the individual and the society. During later years, it has been common to speak of a new social exclusion perspective, which is better fit to analyze the more heterogeneous, multicultural and complex society (Body-Gendrot, 2002). In this article, I will focus on the social exclusion in different arenas, thus underlining the multi-dimensional aspect of social exclusion. The underlying question is: 'What is it that contributes to social exclusion of young adult immigrants in different social settings?' and 'How do young adult immigrants with different backgrounds experience social exclusion in different social arenas?' I will distinguish between educational exclusion, labour market exclusion, spatial exclusion, relational exclusion and finally, socio-political exclusion. The combination of information from macro-oriented quantitative research and its focus on structural explanations and micro-oriented qualitative research and its focus on agency together make a holistic picture of social exclusion which underlines its dynamic, complex and multi-dimensional character.

This article analyses young Somalis' citizenship in the sense of their civic activities on different geographic levels, and the interrelationship between civic activity, class, ethnicity and age. What are the participatory roles of the young Somalis, and how do they relate to entities such as politics, nation and ethnicity? How does class influence different levels of orientation? Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with five Somalis who had returned to Somaliland after living in Norway for many years, and 45 Somalis in Norway, but this article is a case study of three of the latter. Somali organizations give young adult Somalis from all backgrounds an opportunity to become involved and feel that they are doing something for other Somalis. For some, participation in these organizations is a stepping-stone to further political involvement in Norway, in Somalia or internationally. We especially see this among Somalis with a higher education, whereas those with less education are mostly involved in activities on the community level. Being active within Somali organizations in Norway combines the aspect of being well integrated in the host society with maintaining a commitment to one's own background and culture. The young Somalis associate doing something for others to becoming an adult; however, they also regard this sense of responsibility as an integral part of being Somali.

AbstractResearch has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right 'nationalists' generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's 'strength of weak ties' for far‐right diffusion.