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Migration and Integration clarifies and proposes answers for all of the politically toxic questions associated with large-scale migration from the Global South to the Western liberal democracies. Driven by the conviction that the Alt-Right is using the issues of migration and integration effectively to batter the defenses of liberal democracy, Professor Tom Farer argues that despite its strength, the moral case for open borders should be rejected and that while broadly tolerant of different life styles, the state should enforce core liberal values. Examining closely the policies and practices of various European states, Farer draws on their experience, contrasts it with that of the United States, and provides a detailed strategy for addressing the issues of who should be allowed to enter, how migrant families should be integrated and cultural conflicts resolved. This remarkable elaboration of a liberal position on migration and integration to which moderate conservatives could adhere combines powerful analysis with passionate advocacy.

Looking at how crime penetrates private business, government, and the every day lives of the people, this collection examines the impact of criminal enterprises on the legitimate ecomony and the ability of states to promote the rule of law.

To know where we are, we have to see ourselves from a distance. Otherwise the remarkable becomes commonplace.I see the Military Commissions Act of 2006 from a temporal distance, specifically from the era of state-terror regimes in Latin America during which I served for eight years (1976 -1983) as a member of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, a principal arm of the Organization of American States (OAS). Those were the years in which governments scattered across the South American continent and the Central American isthmus, anticipating the policy views announced by United States Vice President Dick Cheney in an interview on "Meet the Press" in 2001, decided to go to what Cheney called the "dark side," or, in the case of those who had long made that side their principal area of operations, decided to move a larger proportion of their respective peoples into it. Throughout the period, reports about the hell on earth my six colleagues and I exposed (in the somewhat stilted idiom official agents are driven to adopt) would appear episodically in the American press. Their implicit subtext was that these horrors were perpetrated by brutes as alien to American life as the venues where they operated.

Questions concerning the United Nations legal authority to promote democratization & its reasons for favoring democratic political systems in the politically variegated international community are addressed. It is demonstrated that the United Nations has regularly influenced the development of political systems in various countries, has strongly advocated self-determination, & has actively promoted democratization in consenting nations. However, the United Nations support for democratization is delineated as coercive, eg, the United Nations Security Council determines the criteria for legitimate military intervention in foreign countries & Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter allows member-states to intercede in regional disputes. After illuminating the coercive nature of the United Nations intervention in Haiti, Sierra Leone, & Somalia, it is maintained that the organization should establish a normative framework for judging the legitimacy of military intercessions; several principles to be included in this model are articulated, eg, representatives of member-states that obtained power through illegitimate means should not be seated in the United Nations. J. W. Parker

International lawyers should help our political leaders, die media, and the electorate appreciate more adequately the implications for international law and order of the United States-led invasion of Iraq and its nearest precedent, the Kosovo intervention. At this point, mid-2003, those implications remain unclear.