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Using the lens of aids trajectories in haiti and cuba the article examines the health of these two countries, and in so doing, challenges currently predominant ideologies in international public health, including over-emphasis on costeffectiveness and sustainability as criteria to allocate resources. In Haiti, where AIDS is the number one cause of all adult deaths, the prevalence of HIV is the highest in the Americas. In Cuba, where the prevalence of HIV is the lowest in the Americas, its government has continued to improve health indicators and to provide comprehensive care for all AIDS patients despite a deepening economic crisis. The two distinct stories of AIDS in Cuba and Haiti mirror the nations' divergent paths to economic development: Cuba's promoting social and economic rights for its citizens, and Haiti's succumbing to increased inequalities and foreign debt. It is not the treatment of the destitute sick with AIDS that is unsustainable, but rather the ever-widening global outcome gap that prohibits medical technology from reaching those most in need of it: the poor. Instead of focusing on GNP and other standard economic measures, the health of the poor should be considered the most telling public policy and international public health outcome. ; A partir de las trayectorias del sida en haití y en cuba, se proponen alternativas a las ideologías predominantes en salud pública internacional, que sobreenfatizan la costo-efectividad y la sostenibilidad como criterios para asignar recursos. En Haití, donde el sida es la principal causa de muerte, la prevalencia de VIH es la más alta de América. En Cuba, con la menor prevalencia de América, su gobierno continúa mejorando los indicadores de salud y provee de atención integral a todas las personas con sida, a pesar de la grave crisis económica. Las situaciones de sida tan dispares reflejan los caminos divergentes hacia el desarrollo: mientras Cuba promueve los derechos sociales y económicos de su población, Haití sucumbe a la desigualdad creciente y a la deuda externa. Lo insostenible no es tratar el sida de quienes viven en la miseria, sino el abismo mundial, cada vez mayor, que impide que la tecnología médica alcance a quienes más la necesitan: los pobres.

In this paper we analyze how some of the main publications prepared by international health organizations and research teams tend, all too often, to blame the HIV patient for suffering the disease. These documents do not take into account that, in the great majority of cases, HIV/AIDS is caused by structural violence, which make difficult the development of individual and collective agency. We argue that some health policies and recommendations reproduce the ideology of blaming the victim, which places the cause of suffering and the poverty of people living with HIV on their own lack of agency, and not on social, political, and historical forces that are inescapably beyond their control. ; En este artículo presentamos cómo algunos de las publicaciones principales elaboradas por organismos internacionales de salud y por equipos de investigación tienden a reproducir la manera según la cual, con frecuencia, se acusa a las personas que tienen Vih/Sida de padecer la enfermedad. Estos documentos no tienen en cuenta que en la gran mayoría de casos el Vih/Sida está causado por las fuerzas de una violencia estructural frente a las cuales a las personas afectadas les resulta difícil desarrollar y llevar a la práctica una mínima autonomía individual o colectiva. Concluimos que algunas políticas y recomendaciones de salud reproducen una ideología que culpabiliza a la víctima, lo cual sitúa la causa del sufrimiento y de la pobreza de las personas que viven con Vih/Sida en su propia falta de autonomía y no en las fuerzas sociales, políticas e históricas que se escapan a su control.

In this paper we analyze how some of the main publications prepared by international health organizations and research teams tend, all too often, to blame the HIV patient for suffering the disease. These documents do not take into account that, in the great majority of cases, HIV/AIDS is caused by structural violence, which make difficult the development of individual and collective agency. We argue that some health policies and recommendations reproduce the ideology of blaming the victim, which places the cause of suffering and the poverty of people living with HIV on their own lack of agency, and not on social, political, and historical forces that are inescapably beyond their control. ; En este artículo presentamos cómo algunos de las publicaciones principales elaboradas por organismos internacionales de salud y por equipos de investigación tienden a reproducir la manera según la cual, con frecuencia, se acusa a las personas que tienen Vih/Sida de padecer la enfermedad. Estos documentos no tienen en cuenta que en la gran mayoría de casos el Vih/Sida está causado por las fuerzas de una violencia estructural frente a las cuales a las personas afectadas les resulta difícil desarrollar y llevar a la práctica una mínima autonomía individual o colectiva. Concluimos que algunas políticas y recomendaciones de salud reproducen una ideología que culpabiliza a la víctima, lo cual sitúa la causa del sufrimiento y de la pobreza de las personas que viven con Vih/Sida en su propia falta de autonomía y no en las fuerzas sociales, políticas e históricas que se escapan a su control.

Building on the long-standing institution of the Hippocratic Oath, the authors suggest that all physicians- in-training must be taught the principles affirmed by the 1978 Declaration of Alma-Ata. Physicians should recognize that health is a fundamental human right and that gross inequalities in health care are unacceptable for moral, political, social, and economic reasons. Incorporating an explicit focus on social justice in medical education will lead to the training of physicians who understand that to advance the goal of "health for all" they must work toward more equitable distribution of health care and the elimination of health disparities, both within the U.S. and internationally. Learning to understand the social determinants of health, to advocate for equitable health system change, and to advance social justice throughout their careers should be the focus of this training. As this training prepares leaders to press for system change in the U.S., it also aligns with the global trend of recognizing human rights as a core competency of medical education.

Corrado Cancedda and colleagues outline a framework for health professional training initiatives in low-income countries.

The Purchase price report released in August 2004 by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria (Global Fund) was the first publication of a significant amount of real transaction purchase data for antiretrovirals (ARVs). We did an observational study of the ARV transaction data in the Purchase price report to examine the procurement behaviour of principal recipients of Global Fund grants in developing countries. We found that, with a few exceptions for specific products (e.g. lamivudine) and regions (e.g. eastern Europe), prices in low-income countries were broadly consistent or lower than the lowest differential prices quoted by the research and development sector of the pharmaceutical industry. In lower middle-income countries, prices were more varied and in several instances (lopinavir/ritonavir, didanosine, and zidovudine/lamivudine) were very high compared with the per capita income of the country. In all low- and lower middle-income countries, ARV prices were still significantly high given limited local purchasing power and economic strength, thus reaffirming the need for donor support to achieve rapid scale-up of antiretroviral therapy. However, the price of ARVs will have to decrease to render scale-up financially sustainable for donors and eventually for governments themselves. An important first step in reducing prices will be to make available in the public domain as much ARV transaction data as possible to provide a factual basis for discussions on pricing. The price of ARVs has considerable implications for the sustainability of human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) treatment in the developing world.

Abstract The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi destroyed the health system in Rwanda. It is impressive that a small country like Rwanda has advanced its health system to the point of now offering near universal health insurance coverage. Through a series of strategic structural changes to its health system, catalyzed through international assistance, Rwanda has demonstrated a commitment towards improving patient and population health indicators. In particular, the rapid scale up of antiretroviral therapy (ART) has become a great success story for Rwanda. The country achieved universal coverage of ART at a CD4 cell count of 200 cells/mm 3 in 2007 and increased the threshold for initiation of ART to ≤350 cells/mm 3 in 2008. Further, 2013 guidelines raised the threshold for initiation to ≤500 cells/mm 3 and suggest immediate therapy for key affected populations. In 2015, guidelines recommend offering immediate treatment to all patients. By reviewing the history of HIV and the scale-up of treatment delivery in Rwanda since the genocide, this paper highlights some of the key innovations of the Government of Rwanda and demonstrates the ways in which the national response to the HIV epidemic has catalyzed the implementation of interventions that have helped strengthen the overall health system.

Victoria Koski-Karell,1,2 Paul E Farmer,2–4 Benito Isaac,5 Elizabeth M Campa,5 Loune Viaud,5 Paul C Namphy,6 Ralph Ternier,5 Louise C Ivers2–4 1Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan, and University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, MI, 2Partners In Health, 3Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, 4Department of Medicine, Division of Global Health Equity, Brigham and Women's Hospital, Boston, MA, USA; 5Zanmi Lasante, Cange, 6Direction Nationale de l'Eau Potable et de l'Assainissement, Port-au-Prince, Haiti Abstract: Since the beginning of the cholera epidemic in Haiti 5 years ago, the prevalence of this deadly water-borne disease has fallen far below the initial rates registered during its explosive outset. However, cholera continues to cause extensive suffering and needless deaths across the country, particularly among the poor. The urgent need to eliminate transmission of cholera persists: compared to the same period in 2014, the first 4 months of 2015 saw three times the number of cholera cases. Drawing upon epidemiology, clinical work (and clinical knowledge), policy, ecology, and political economy, and informed by ethnographic data collected in a rural area of Haiti called Bocozel, this paper evaluates the progress of the nation's 10-year Plan for the Elimination of Cholera. Bocozel is a rice-producing region where most people live in extreme poverty. The irrigation network is decrepit, the land is prone to environmental shocks, fertilizer is not affordable, and the government's capacity to assist farmers is undermined by resource constraints. When peasants do have rice to sell, the price of domestically grown rice is twice that of US-imported rice. Canal water is not only used to irrigate thousands of acres of rice paddies and sustain livestock, but also to bathe, wash, and play, while water from wells, hand pumps, and the river is used for drinking, cooking, and bathing. Only one out of the three government-sponsored water treatment stations in the research area is still functional and utilized by those who can afford it. Latrines are scarce and often shared by up to 30 people; open defecation remains common. Structural vulnerabilities cut across all sectors – not just water, sanitation, health care, and education, but agriculture, environment, (global and local) commerce, transportation, and governance as well. These are among the hidden sicknesses that impede Haiti and its partners' capacity to eliminate cholera. Keywords: water, sanitation, WASH, oral cholera vaccination, elimination

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi destroyed the health system in Rwanda. It is impressive that a small country like Rwanda has advanced its health system to the point of now offering near universal health insurance coverage. Through a series of strategic structural changes to its health system, catalyzed through international assistance, Rwanda has demonstrated a commitment towards improving patient and population health indicators. In particular, the rapid scale up of antiretroviral therapy (ART) has become a great success story for Rwanda. The country achieved universal coverage of ART at a CD4 cell count of 200 cells/mm3 in 2007 and increased the threshold for initiation of ART to ≤350 cells/mm3 in 2008. Further, 2013 guidelines raised the threshold for initiation to ≤500 cells/mm3 and suggest immediate therapy for key affected populations. In 2015, guidelines recommend offering immediate treatment to all patients. By reviewing the history of HIV and the scale-up of treatment delivery in Rwanda since the genocide, this paper highlights some of the key innovations of the Government of Rwanda and demonstrates the ways in which the national response to the HIV epidemic has catalyzed the implementation of interventions that have helped strengthen the overall health system.

Since the beginning of the cholera epidemic in Haiti 5 years ago, the prevalence of this deadly water-borne disease has fallen far below the initial rates registered during its explosive outset. However, cholera continues to cause extensive suffering and needless deaths across the country, particularly among the poor. The urgent need to eliminate transmission of cholera persists: compared to the same period in 2014, the first 4 months of 2015 saw three times the number of cholera cases. Drawing upon epidemiology, clinical work (and clinical knowledge), policy, ecology, and political economy, and informed by ethnographic data collected in a rural area of Haiti called Bocozel, this paper evaluates the progress of the nation's 10-year Plan for the Elimination of Cholera. Bocozel is a rice-producing region where most people live in extreme poverty. The irrigation network is decrepit, the land is prone to environmental shocks, fertilizer is not affordable, and the government's capacity to assist farmers is undermined by resource constraints. When peasants do have rice to sell, the price of domestically grown rice is twice that of US-imported rice. Canal water is not only used to irrigate thousands of acres of rice paddies and sustain livestock, but also to bathe, wash, and play, while water from wells, hand pumps, and the river is used for drinking, cooking, and bathing. Only one out of the three government-sponsored water treatment stations in the research area is still functional and utilized by those who can afford it. Latrines are scarce and often shared by up to 30 people; open defecation remains common. Structural vulnerabilities cut across all sectors – not just water, sanitation, health care, and education, but agriculture, environment, (global and local) commerce, transportation, and governance as well. These are among the hidden sicknesses that impede Haiti and its partners' capacity to eliminate cholera.

Background In the United States, Black Americans are suffering from significantly disproportionate incidence and mortality rates of COVID-19. The potential for racial-justice interventions, including reparations payments, to ameliorate these disparities has not been adequately explored. Methods We compared the COVID-19 time-varying R (t) curves of relatively disparate polities in terms of social equity (South Korea vs. Louisiana). Next, we considered a range of reproductive ratios to back-calculate the transmission rates β (i→j) for 4 cells of the simplified next-generation matrix (from which R (0) is calculated for structured models) for the outbreak in Louisiana. Lastly, we modeled the effect that monetary payments as reparations for Black American descendants of persons enslaved in the U.S. would have had on pre-intervention β (i→j) . Results Once their respective epidemics begin to propagate, Louisiana displays R (t) values with an absolute difference of 1.3 to 2.5 compared to South Korea. It also takes Louisiana more than twice as long to bring R (t) below 1. We estimate that increased equity in transmission consistent with the benefits of a successful reparations program (reflected in the ratio β (b→b) / β (w→w) ) could reduce R (0) by 31 to 68%. Discussion While there are compelling moral and historical arguments for racial injustice interventions such as reparations, our study describes potential health benefits in the form of reduced SARS-CoV-2 transmission risk. As we demonstrate, a restitutive program targeted towards Black individuals would not only decrease COVID-19 risk for recipients of the wealth redistribution; the mitigating effects would be distributed across racial groups, benefitting the population at large.

BACKGROUND: Following the West African Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak of 2013–2016 and more recent EVD outbreaks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, thousands of EVD survivors are at-risk for sequelae including uveitis, which can lead to unremitting inflammation and vision loss from cataract. Because of the known risk of Ebola virus persistence in ocular fluid and the need to provide vision-restorative, safe cataract surgery, the Ebola Virus Persistence in Ocular Tissues and Fluids (EVICT) Study was implemented in Sierra Leone. During implementation of this multi-national study, challenges included regulatory approvals, mobilization, community engagement, infection prevention and control, and collaboration between multiple disciplines. In this report, we address the multifacted approach to address these challenges and the impact of implementation science research to address an urgent clinical subspecialty need in an outbreak setting. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Given the patient care need to develop a protocol to evaluate ocular fluid for Ebola virus RNA persistence prior to cataract surgery, as well as protocols to provide reassurance to ophthalmologists caring for EVD survivors with cataracts, the EVICT study was designed and implemented through the work of the Ministry of Health, Sierra Leone National Eye Programme, and international partnerships. The EVICT study showed that all 50 patients who underwent ocular fluid sampling at 19 and 34 months, respectively, tested negative for Ebola virus RNA. Thirty-four patients underwent successful cataract surgery with visual acuity improvement. Here we describe the methodology for study implementation, challenges encountered, and key issues that impacted EVD vision care in the immediate aftermath of the EVD outbreak. Key aspects of the EVICT study included defining the pertinent questions and clinical need, partnership alignment with key stakeholders, community engagement with EVD survivor associations, in-country and international regulatory approvals, study ...

BACKGROUND: Following the West African Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak of 2013-2016 and more recent EVD outbreaks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, thousands of EVD survivors are at-risk for sequelae including uveitis, which can lead to unremitting inflammation and vision loss from cataract. Because of the known risk of Ebola virus persistence in ocular fluid and the need to provide vision-restorative, safe cataract surgery, the Ebola Virus Persistence in Ocular Tissues and Fluids (EVICT) Study was implemented in Sierra Leone. During implementation of this multi-national study, challenges included regulatory approvals, mobilization, community engagement, infection prevention and control, and collaboration between multiple disciplines. In this report, we address the multifacted approach to address these challenges and the impact of implementation science research to address an urgent clinical subspecialty need in an outbreak setting. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Given the patient care need to develop a protocol to evaluate ocular fluid for Ebola virus RNA persistence prior to cataract surgery, as well as protocols to provide reassurance to ophthalmologists caring for EVD survivors with cataracts, the EVICT study was designed and implemented through the work of the Ministry of Health, Sierra Leone National Eye Programme, and international partnerships. The EVICT study showed that all 50 patients who underwent ocular fluid sampling at 19 and 34 months, respectively, tested negative for Ebola virus RNA. Thirty-four patients underwent successful cataract surgery with visual acuity improvement. Here we describe the methodology for study implementation, challenges encountered, and key issues that impacted EVD vision care in the immediate aftermath of the EVD outbreak. Key aspects of the EVICT study included defining the pertinent questions and clinical need, partnership alignment with key stakeholders, community engagement with EVD survivor associations, in-country and international regulatory approvals, study site design for infection prevention and control, and thorough plans for EVD survivor follow-up care and monitoring. Challenges encountered included patient mobilization owing to transportation routes and distance of patients in rural districts. Strong in-country partnerships and multiple international organizations overcame these challenges so that lessons learned could be applied for future EVD outbreaks in West and Central Africa including EVD outbreaks that are ongoing in Guinea and Democratic Republic of Congo. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: The EVICT Study showed that cataract surgery with a protocol-driven approach was safe and vision-restorative for EVD survivors, which provided guidance for EVD ophthalmic surgical care. Ophthalmologic care remains a key aspect of the public health response for EVD outbreaks but requires a meticulous, yet partnered approach with international and local in-country partners. Future efforts may build on this framework for clinical care and to improve our understanding of ophthalmic sequelae, develop treatment paradigms for EVD survivors, and strengthen vision health systems in resource-limited settings.

It is increasingly clear that resolution of complex global health problems requires interdisciplinary, intersectoral expertise and cooperation from governmental, non-governmental and educational agencies. 'One Health' refers to the collaboration of multiple disciplines and sectors working locally, nationally and globally to attain optimal health for people, animals and the environment. One Health offers the opportunity to acknowledge shared interests, set common goals, and drive toward team work to benefit the overall health of a nation. As in most countries, the health of Rwanda's people and economy are highly dependent on the health of the environment. Recently, Rwanda has developed a One Health strategic plan to meet its human, animal and environmental health challenges. This approach drives innovations that are important to solve both acute and chronic health problems and offers synergy across systems, resulting in improved communication, evidence-based solutions, development of a new generation of systems-thinkers, improved surveillance, decreased lag time in response, and improved health and economic savings. Several factors have enabled the One Health movement in Rwanda including an elaborate network of community health workers, existing rapid response teams, international academic partnerships willing to look more broadly than at a single disease or population, and relative equity between female and male health professionals. Barriers to implementing this strategy include competition over budget, poor communication, and the need for improved technology. Given the interconnectedness of our global community, it may be time for countries and their neighbours to follow Rwanda's lead and consider incorporating One Health principles into their national strategic health plans.

It is increasingly clear that resolution of complex global health problems requires interdisciplinary, intersectoral expertise and cooperation from governmental, non-governmental and educational agencies. 'One Health' refers to the collaboration of multiple disciplines and sectors working locally, nationally and globally to attain optimal health for people, animals and the environment. One Health offers the opportunity to acknowledge shared interests, set common goals, and drive toward team work to benefit the overall health of a nation. As in most countries, the health of Rwanda's people and economy are highly dependent on the health of the environment. Recently, Rwanda has developed a One Health strategic plan to meet its human, animal and environmental health challenges. This approach drives innovations that are important to solve both acute and chronic health problems and offers synergy across systems, resulting in improved communication, evidence-based solutions, development of a new generation of systems-thinkers, improved surveillance, decreased lag time in response, and improved health and economic savings. Several factors have enabled the One Health movement in Rwanda including an elaborate network of community health workers, existing rapid response teams, international academic partnerships willing to look more broadly than at a single disease or population, and relative equity between female and male health professionals. Barriers to implementing this strategy include competition over budget, poor communication, and the need for improved technology. Given the interconnectedness of our global community, it may be time for countries and their neighbours to follow Rwanda's lead and consider incorporating One Health principles into their national strategic health plans.