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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 The Background and Diplomatic Significance of the ICTY -- 2 The Nature of the Peace in the Former Yugoslavia: Heroes and Criminals - How to Distinguish Them? -- 3 The Political Landscape of Peace in the Balkans -- 4 The ICTY's Aspirations, its Statute, and Some of the Legal Inconsistencies in its Establishment -- 5 The First Indictments and What They Show -- 6 Crimes and Responsibility in a Civil War -- 7 Policy Issues -- 8 NATO and the ICTY -- Bibliography

The paper discusses the differences between a practical emphasis on binary
logic on the one hand, and modal logic, on the other, specifically in the
fields of philosophical practice and psychotherapy. Although studies of
practical applications of modal logic in the helping professions are recent,
the discussion largely revolves around the controversial application of
modality in psychotherapy by C.G. Jung and Lacan?s psychoanalysis. The
present argument touches on some of the conceptual dilemmas associated with
the relationship between logical modality, intuition and scientificity in
psychotherapy, all of which are a part of the philosophical foundation of
psychotherapy.

A resurgence of scholarly work on proof of God?s existence is noticeable over
the past decade, with considerable emphasis on attempts to provide ?analytic
proof? based on the meanings and logic of various identity statements which
constitute premises of the syllogisms of the ?proof?. Most recently perhaps,
Emmanuel Rutten?s ?modal-epistemic proof? has drawn serious academic
attention. Like other ?analytic? and strictly logical proofs of God?s
existence, Rutten?s proof has been found flawed. In this paper I discuss the
possibility of an ?ethics-based? identity proof of God?s existence. Such a
proof, the first version of which, I believe, has been offered, indirectly,
by Nikolai Lossky, utilizes the form and structure of the analytic proof,
but fundamentally rests on the perception of moral values we associate with
God and Godliness. The nature of the proof shifts the focus of the very
attempt to ?prove? God?s existence from what I believe is an unreasonable
standard, unattainable even in ?proving? the existence of the more mundane
world, towards a more functional, practical and attainable standard. The
proof proposed initially by Lossky, and in a more systematic form here, I
believe, shows the indubitable existence of God in the sense of his moral
presence in the lives of the faithful, at least with the same degree of
certainty as the presence or ?existence? of anything else that can be
epistemically proven in principle.

The paper deals with a perspective of Christian philosophy on artificial
memory erasuse for psychotherapeutic purposes. Its central question is
whether a safe and reliable technology of memory erasure, once it is
available, would be acceptable from a Christian ethics point of view. The
main facet of this question is related to the Christian ethics requirement
of contrition for the past wrongs, which in the case of memory erasure of
particulary troubling experiences and personal choices would not be
possible. The paper argues that there are limits to the ethical significance
of contrition in the writings of the leading Christian fathers on the theme
(e.g. St. Thomas Aquinas), where excessive suffering and inability to
forgive oneself for one?s actions is an impediment to the achivement of
tranquility of mind and spiritual redemption, rather than a prerequisite for
it. The paper thus concludes that there is no hindrance in principle from
the Christian ethics point of view to pursuing a voluntary and selective
memory erasure as a psychotherapeutic technique once a fully adequate
technology is available.

The paper investigates the compatibility of the modern technologies of
warfare, specifically the use of offensive drones, with traditional military
ethics and suggests that the new technologies radically change the value
system of the military in ways which make large parts of the traditional
military ethics inapplicable. The author suggests that Agamben?s concept of
?effectivity? through ?special actions? which mark one?s belonging to a
particular community or profession is a useful conceptual strategy to
explore the compatibility of drone warfare with traditional military ethics;
this strategy shows mixed results at best.

In this paper I discuss John Searle?s selective view of intentionality of
mental states, and place it in the context of impairment to personal identity
that occurs in mental illness. I criticize Searle?s view that intentionality
characterizes some but not all mental states; I do so both on principled and
on empirical grounds. I then proceed to examine the narrative theory of self,
advanced by Paul Ricoeur, Marya Schechtman and others, and explore the extent
to which the theory fits a more generalized view of intentionality that would
apply to all mental states. This discussion is followed by a brief
consideration of the way in which the modern DSM-based psychiatric diagnosis
and treatment, reductively and mechanistically, dispenses with the issues of
?strong ontology?, namely the life events and values that mental states might
in fact reach for, even when ostensibly without reference. In this sense,
DSM-inspired psychiatry is based on a Searlian view of mental states. It is
contrasted with the narrative theory of self (and therefore also of mental
states) which, rather than defining madness by clusters of symptoms, seeks to
understand the underlying ontology of reference by looking for both the
initial script of the person?s ?life narrative? and for ruptures and knots in
that narrative that might give rise to madness. Finally I discuss and
evaluate the perspective of personality enhancement through counseling aimed
at repairing the personal narrative.

While most discussions of corruption focus on administration, institutions,
the law and public policy, little attention in the debate about societal
reform is paid to the ?internalities? of anti-corruption efforts,
specifically to character-formation and issues of personal and corporate
integrity. While the word ?integrity? is frequently mentioned as the goal to
be achieved through institutional reforms, even in criminal prosecutions, the
specifically philosophical aspects of character-formation and the development
of corporate and individual virtues in a rational and systematic way tend to
be neglected. This paper focuses on the ?internalities? of anti-corruption
work with special emphasis on the pre-requisites that need to be ensured on
behalf of the social elites in order for proper individual and collective
character-formation to take place throughout the society. The author argues
that a systematic pursuit of socially recognized virtues, both those
pertaining to society as a whole and those specific to particular professions
and social groups, is the most comprehensive and strategically justified way
of pursuing anti-corruption policy, while institutional and penal policies
can only serve an auxiliary role. The pursuit of institutional and criminal
justice policies against corruption in a society that is subject to
increasing relativism with regard to values and morality is at best
ineffective, and at worst socially destructive. Thus the paper suggests a
re-examination of the social discourse on the level of what the author calls
?value strategy? and the gradual building of a plan to create and solidify
specifically designed features of ?corporate character? for key sectors of
the society. This approach can serve as the main long-term strategy to
improve the public profile of integrity and reinforce morality in both the
public and civil sectors.

Russia's role in the Balkans waned in the post-Cold War period until President Dmitry Medvedev's Serbia visit in October 2009. The visit marked a sharp turn in Russia's approach to the region, with the new and more assertive rhetoric suggesting Russia's willingness to engage in 'infighting' the western military and energy security interests. Revived Russian interest in a new security mechanism for Europe to replace NATO, talk of establishing a Russian base in the Serbian town of Nis, and the likelihood that the entire length of the Southern Stream gas pipeline through Serbia will be guarded by the Russian Army, show that Russia is serious about countering NATO in the Balkans. The article examines the strategic reasons for the shift in Russian policy, specifically with a focus on why it is in Russia's vital interest to prevent a future expansion of NATO. The author briefly explores the consequences of the renewed Russian strategic interest for the region on the processes of policy- and identity-formation in Southeastern Europe. He relates the specific strategic concerns that led to Russian proposal for a new security mechanism for Europe to collectively identity problems of the Balkans. Russia's attempted strategic marriage, it is argued here, with Serbia is based on of convenience. Russia's opposition to further NATO expansion is grounded in rational security concerns; yet the sparseness of Russia's genuine strategic partners in Europe makes efforts to dissipate escalation of animosities between Russia and NATO less effective. Hence the paradox: the less successful Russia is in galvanizing opposition among the small countries in Europe against further NATO enlargement, the more likely it is that its new security policy will escalate to more drastic and antagonistic postures towards NATO. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the view of political transitions from the standpoint of capacity for collective action, and seeks to use a causal analysis of the motivation for collective action and its public articulation as a method of interpreting modern political systems that would be a feasible alternative to the traditional quantitative and comparative method that focuses on the specific aspects of transitions. The author argues that the capacity for collective action within a political system correlates directly to the degree of internal legitimacy of public policy. Such legitimacy is necessarily based on the dominant value system within the transitional process. In addition, the author stipulates that this capacity is reversely proportional to the degree of structural violence in society.

The author argues that the moral dimensions of political violence play a crucial role in the conceptualization of effective ways to combat such violence. It goes on to argue that the ability to empathize with the politically violent is a difficult precondition for the development of effective control strategies, & guilds its interpretation on the philosophical perspectives on the legitimacy of grievances & illegitimacy of methods used to address them by terrorists & the other perpetrators of political violence. The author draws parallels between key controversies in politically violent campaigns & conventional wars, & concludes that, despite the alarming inpalatability of political violence, the experiential record so far suggests that a de-escalation of mutual perceptions between the politically violent & the mainstream society appears to be a necessary precondition for the resolution of the underlying conflicts. References. Adapted from the source document.