Suchergebnisse

The study seeks to examine the social and political status of Tibetan women refugee living in McLeod Ganj suburb of the city of Dharamshala, India. It attempts to highlight the issues and challenges of Tibetan Women those are staying as refugee in India. It observes the Education appraise, political representation, marriage customs and traditions of the Tibetan women by surveying with them in actual social and political setting of the Tibetan community in Exile. This study was conducted by consciously observed records, and analyses via interviews in their cultural physical setting of Dharamshala. It is based on survey of Tibetan women in Exile between the age group 18 to 60 years. It is true like other women, Tibetan women face challenges of representation, living in denial, and had been living with cultural limitations of Tibetan community in Dharamshala. Despite the challenges and restrictions upon them, what is more important to Tibetan women in Exile is the protection of their male members, and has been worried due to the torture and inhumane conditions of their people in captured Tibetan region .Tibetan women living in Exile Himachal Pradesh also shared their horrible experiences of life in captured Tibetan region. Even though living within limitations Tibetan Women in Exile were full of courage, confidence and bravery. Furthermore, Tibetan people in Exile were expressed gratitude for the support of India for allowing them to stay in India. This article would bring to light the status of Tibetan refugee women in exile to the rest of the world. This analysis find out that even after living in the difficult situation as refugees these Tibetan women are an inspiration for all the women. Tibetan Women may emerge as a role model for all the women to lead a life with dignity and strength. Even though living within limitations and challenges Tibetan Women in Exile are full of courage, confidence and bravery.

The study seeks to examine the social and political status of Tibetan women refugee living in McLeod Ganj suburb of the city of Dharamshala, India. It attempts to highlight the issues and challenges of Tibetan Women those are staying as refugee in India. It observes the Education appraise, political representation, marriage customs and traditions of the Tibetan women by surveying with them in actual social and political setting of the Tibetan community in Exile. This study was conducted by consciously observed records, and analyses via interviews in their cultural physical setting of Dharamshala. It is based on survey of Tibetan women in Exile between the age group 18 to 60 years. It is true like other women, Tibetan women face challenges of representation, living in denial, and had been living with cultural limitations of Tibetan community in Dharamshala. Despite the challenges and restrictions upon them, what is more important to Tibetan women in Exile is the protection of their male members, and has been worried due to the torture and inhumane conditions of their people in captured Tibetan region .Tibetan women living in Exile Himachal Pradesh also shared their horrible experiences of life in captured Tibetan region. Even though living within limitations Tibetan Women in Exile were full of courage, confidence and bravery. Furthermore, Tibetan people in Exile were expressed gratitude for the support of India for allowing them to stay in India. This article would bring to light the status of Tibetan refugee women in exile to the rest of the world. This analysis find out that even after living in the difficult situation as refugees these Tibetan women are an inspiration for all the women. Tibetan Women may emerge as a role model for all the women to lead a life with dignity and strength. Even though living within limitations and challenges Tibetan Women in Exile are full of courage, confidence and bravery.

AbstractIn its war on terror, the United States tortured and abused individuals in its custody over a decade. This article examines a specific sort of epistemic response by Americans to the use of torture by their government, the sort of response that enables Americans to operate with epistemic ignorance to maintain a favorable construction of their identity as Americans. I lay out the concept of American ignorance as the active production of false and/or incomplete beliefs about what it means to be an American and explore the mechanism through which this ignorance operates in society. The article argues for accountability to create better epistemic environments necessary for any meaningful shift in how Americans perceive themselves qua Americans.

This article looks at the inadequacy of space available to women in the two most holy sites for all Muslims: Masjid al‐Haram in Makkah and Masjid an‐Nabawi in Madinah, Saudi Arabia. I argue that religious discourse, shaped by geopolitical factors, has framed piety for women primarily in terms of modesty, such that a woman is often considered a good Muslim if she is visible only within her female community but invisible to the larger society. Furthermore, I argue that the allocation of meager space affects not only the perception of women's religious standing in society, but also women's own perception about their moral selves. The article claims that by being relegated to small sections within religious spaces, women's collective worship is evident neither to the community at large nor can it be fully experienced by individual women, thus placing obstacles in women's path to seek to closeness to God.

This paper argues that one of the most valuable insights that Muslim‐Americans ought to bring into the political arena is our affective response to the government of the United States' internal and foreign policies regarding Muslims. I posit the concept of empathy as one such response that ought to inform our foreign policy in a manner inclusive of Muslim‐Americans. The scope of our epistemic privilege encompasses the affective response that crosses borders of the nation‐state in virtue of our propinquity to the narratives of Muslims globally. Such an affective response is crucial to our selves remaining multiplicitous and whole. Furthermore, I argue that we ought to access and assess those aspects of our identity that make us subject to suspicions of disloyalty, because it is precisely those aspects that can inform our social and political discourse in a more morally adequate and responsive way.

International audience Since 2008 general elections environment for democracy in the country is becoming conducive with each passing day, thus resulting in democratic consolidation. Sub-systemic institutionalisation in the form of structural and constitutional development (eighteenth amendment), and sociological institutionalisation in the form of normative and perceptional development about democracy being a normal and natural process are important steps in democratic consolidation. This study intends to explore the causality relation between the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment and the processes of democratic consolidation in Pakistan. It seeks to answer the question that how is 18th Amendment nurturing democratic norms and institutions, and why is it taken as an optimistic factor for democratic consolidation in Pakistan. The study hypothesizes that conceptualization and operationalization of the semantics of 18th Amendment. ; Depuis les élections générales de 2008, l'environnement de la démocratie dans le pays devient chaque jour plus propice, entraînant ainsi une consolidation démocratique. L'institutionnalisation sous-systémique sous la forme d'un développement structurel et constitutionnel (dix-huitième amendement) et l'institutionnalisation sociologique sous la forme d'un développement normatif et perceptif du fait que la démocratie est un processus normal et naturel sont des étapes importantes de la consolidation démocratique. Cette étude vise à explorer la relation de causalité entre le dix-huitième amendement constitutionnel et les processus de consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. Il cherche à répondre à la question de savoir comment le 18e amendement nourrit les normes et les institutions démocratiques, et pourquoi est-il considéré comme un facteur optimiste pour la consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. L'étude émet l'hypothèse que la conceptualisation et l'opérationnalisation de la sémantique du 18e amendement.

International audience ; Since 2008 general elections environment for democracy in the country is becoming conducive with each passing day, thus resulting in democratic consolidation. Sub-systemic institutionalisation in the form of structural and constitutional development (eighteenth amendment), and sociological institutionalisation in the form of normative and perceptional development about democracy being a normal and natural process are important steps in democratic consolidation. This study intends to explore the causality relation between the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment and the processes of democratic consolidation in Pakistan. It seeks to answer the question that how is 18th Amendment nurturing democratic norms and institutions, and why is it taken as an optimistic factor for democratic consolidation in Pakistan. The study hypothesizes that conceptualization and operationalization of the semantics of 18th Amendment. ; Depuis les élections générales de 2008, l'environnement de la démocratie dans le pays devient chaque jour plus propice, entraînant ainsi une consolidation démocratique. L'institutionnalisation sous-systémique sous la forme d'un développement structurel et constitutionnel (dix-huitième amendement) et l'institutionnalisation sociologique sous la forme d'un développement normatif et perceptif du fait que la démocratie est un processus normal et naturel sont des étapes importantes de la consolidation démocratique. Cette étude vise à explorer la relation de causalité entre le dix-huitième amendement constitutionnel et les processus de consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. Il cherche à répondre à la question de savoir comment le 18e amendement nourrit les normes et les institutions démocratiques, et pourquoi est-il considéré comme un facteur optimiste pour la consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. L'étude émet l'hypothèse que la conceptualisation et l'opérationnalisation de la sémantique du 18e amendement.

In this paper, I explore the significance of an intersectional lens when it comes to our conversations surrounding the #MeToo movement, in particular the way that such a lens helps us in recognizing narratives of sexual assault and harassment that are not typically viewed as such. The mainstream discourse on #MeToo in the United States has been quite exclusionary when it comes to women who are non-dominantly situated within societal structures. In particular, this paper looks at how Muslim American women's issues surrounding sexual assault and harassment are presented as exotic and a function of their religion and culture, further narrowing what is considered worthy of attention within the discourse of the #MeToo movement. I argue that one such instance of sexual harassment that isn't seen as such, is hijab snatching within particular contexts. Furthermore, I argue that a lack of an intersectional lens results in not only privileging certain harmful voices under the guise of inclusivity, but even when invaluable voices are allowed to enter mainstream discourse, they are often the sort that sidestep issues of Western imperialistic practices, Islamophobia, racialization of Muslims, etc. I highlight the dangers of speaking for others, especially in ways that attribute sexual violence experienced by Muslim women to their cultures and/or their men. I argue that acknowledging these dangers is in itself a crucial part of an inclusive conversation on #MeToo.