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In 2008, the UK government undertook a review of personal carbon trading (PCT) and declared that it was 'an idea currently ahead of its time'. PCT is a radical policy proposal which would entail all adults receiving an equal, tradable carbon allowance to cover emissions from household energy and/or personal travel. The allowance would reduce over time, in line with national emissions reduction goals. The government's key concerns about PCT were its social unacceptability and high cost. This paper reviews the literature and identifies knowledge gaps, and then discusses whether these concerns are justified. Contrary to the government's conclusions, most research shows PCT to be at least as socially acceptable as an alternative taxation policy. People think it could be both fair and effective. Set-up and running costs for PCT will undoubtedly be higher than for alternative taxation policies. However, PCT could deliver benefits from individual and social change motivated by non-economic aspects of the policy. These potential benefits are outlined here. The conclusion is that PCT is a promising and timely policy idea.

Some UK households and individuals use vastly more energy than others. Nationally, reducing personal demand for energy is an important part of meeting the commitment to reduce carbon emissions. However, despite occasional attempts to identify and stigmatise particularly 'excessive' gadgets or activities, energy policy has not been framed around reducing excessive consumption. By bringing empirical evidence about variations in energy consumption together with the history of policy debate on limiting energy use, this paper considers whether concepts such as excessive or luxury consumption can form the basis for policy. An overview of empirical data, based on existing statistics and surveys, provides context. This shows that energy use in the home and for personal transport varies hugely between households and individuals in the UK, even within the same income decile. A brief historical survey, both in terms of averages and variation across the population, shows changing patterns of consumption, including recent reductions in residential energy demand. The evidence demonstrates that the difference in consumption between low and high energy using households is just over a factor of two, and that household energy consumption rises much less strongly with income, than, say, transport energy use. The history of UK policy engagement with limiting energy consumption is described, with most attention paid to residential energy use. Case studies of policy proposals to constrain high consumption illustrate how these ideas have been considered. Cases include rising block tariffs, standing charges and energy tariffs, and arguments about the proper basis for EU product energy labels and minimum standards (efficiency versus absolute consumption). These suggestions for policy re-orientation have not been adopted in the UK, where most current residential energy policy is based on efficiency. However, some elements of policy are based on consumption, and these are briefly described. In the discussion, these different types of ...

Personal carbon trading (PCT) aims to reduce carbon emissions from household energy use and/or personal transport by allocating equal, tradable allowances to individuals, which will reduce over time. This article summarises the latest research into PCT and shows how it is being explored further via academic research, business and community initiatives. PCT had a moment in the UK political and policy limelight in 2007/08. Data is presented, showing how media interest has waxed and waned over the years. During the same period, research interest has persisted and grown, despite the idea's decline in public prominence. A comparison between relevant factors in 2006/7, when the UK government was first interested in PCT, and 2011 indicates significant changes. The future prospects for PCT are assessed, together with ideas about how it could be seriously considered for implementation. Finally, there are reflections on whether now is the right time for PCT.

Although personal carbon trading (PCT) is envisaged as a policy which could work in many developed countries, most research work has been undertaken in a UK context. Could the significant national variation in energy infrastructure, policy and patterns of personal carbon emissions diminish the viability and effectiveness of PCT outside the UK? This preliminary work has identified important national and regional variations in the EU and USA, gathered together relevant data, and identified additional challenges for PCT not hitherto recognised within UK-focussed research. A research agenda for internationalising PCT research is proposed, which details the data, methodological development and future debates needed. Consideration of the appropriate geographic scale for implementing PCT suggests national rather than EU-level implementation within Europe, although sub-national, state-based implementation may be relevant in the USA. While close attention must be paid to the interaction of PCT and individual national contexts, and detailed design of the policy is likely to vary between nations, the evidence suggests PCT could be of relevance for many countries, not just the UK.

This paper examines whether current residential retrofit metrics are fit for purpose and if they can help deliver swift and significant cuts in carbon emissions. Information is presented on metrics used for a variety of UK and European Union building and building retrofit standards and evaluation and assessment tools. An analytical approach is developed that offers a simplified set of four key aspects of metrics: scope, headline measurement, normalisation factor and timescale. This helps to unpack the complexity of metric design. However, choice of metrics is not simply a technocratic issue, because their design is not value free. Two examples where metrics form the basis for policy-making for retrofit and energy use in buildings are described: UK Energy Performance Certificates and the Energiesprong approach to deep retrofit. Use of multiple metrics improves their fitness for purpose and is already established practice in some standards and policy. Metrics in common use omit many aspects of energy use in buildings. New metrics are required that can take account of the whole life of a building, the time profile of retrofit, or the ability of the building to be flexible as to when energy is used.

In 2018, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released its report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C. It called for "rapid, far-reaching and unprecedented changes in all aspects of society" to reduce the risks of increasing climate change. Energy use in buildings is one of the key contributors to greenhouse gas emissions in the UK and EU. Detailed policies to support high standards in new build and acceleration of ambitious retrofit are a necessary part of any serious response to climate change. This paper begins with a description of key UK policies on energy use in the buildings, and future UK government plans as expressed in the Clean Growth Strategy. It analyses the direction of travel, and looks at the rate of change compared with what will be required to rapidly reduce carbon emissions from the sector. Current buildings policies are insufficient to meet the challenge of climate change. Both positive and negative examples of changes in policy are presented. A new conceptualization of the contribution of energy demand to delivering net zero goals, developed by CREDS, is introduced. In addition, key characteristics of the buildings sector and its energy use are put forward. Bringing together the role of energy demand, these characteristics of buildings, and the broader literature on buildings and energy policy, we have set out an exploratory set of guidelines for developing policy to reduce carbon emissions from buildings further, faster and more flexibly. These are classified into the guiding principle, approaches to policy creation, expanding the boundaries of policies and focus on quality. These should form the basis for further discussion. If policy were designed as if we took climate change seriously, according to the guidelines developed, what would this mean for buildings? Fundamentally it would require a momentous change in the culture of construction, so that what is valued moves beyond design, aesthetics and functionality, to include low carbon and highly efficient performance. New ...

The 2018 IPCC report states that all sectors of the economy, and actors at all scales from individuals to governments, must take urgent action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are important actors whose use of energy, and potential for energy and carbon savings, are largely overlooked by current efficiency policy in the UK and EU. Using theory, empirical evidence and policy analysis, this paper sets out the case for increased policy focus on SMEs, and proposes ways forward. SMEs account for more than half of industrial and commercial energy use, however, the details of their energy use and the potential for savings is poorly understood. While energy end-uses are similar to those in larger enterprises, SMEs' capacity for paying attention to energy and responding to policy are different, as are their decision-making processes. Designing and delivering effective policy for this heterogenous group will require strategic segmentation and targeted interventions, in turn demanding improved data. We set out a research agenda to address deficiencies in data and evidence, and propose a series of options for policy makers.

There is increasing interest in the idea that energy efficiency has economic, environmental and social impacts beyond energy and cost saving - a 'multiple benefits' perspective. However, present EU-decision making on energy efficiency is based on assessment of a very narrow range of costs and benefits. This paper investigates whether and how advocates of energy efficiency have used multiple benefits to frame their interactions with policy-makers at EU and UK level, and to broaden the appeal of energy efficiency. Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with key practitioners from industry-backed or trade organisations and environment-focussed NGOs. All respondents regularly made use of multiple benefits arguments. Their experience is that these arguments are most persuasive when linked to the values and priorities of decision-makers and politicians, most of whom do not value energy efficiency as a benefit in itself. Different contexts and different benefits are more or less salient for different stakeholders. This framing sets energy efficiency decisions in a broad economic, environmental and social context. As such it requires more evidence than a simple focus on energy savings, and different sorts of evidence which can connect with a variety of decision makers. The importance of recognising differing contexts, actors, values, priorities has led to the development of an alternative visualisation of multiple benefits, which de-centres energy efficiency.

EU member states have been encouraged to introduce energy efficiency obligation schemes (EEOS) to help meet energy saving objectives. As a result, there are now 15 EU EEOS in existence, compared with just six prior to the introduction of the 2012 Energy Efficiency Directive. At the same time, the long-standing EEOS in Denmark and the UK have faced challenges because of concerns over increasing costs. This paper considers the role of EEOS in current and future EU and national policy. Firstly, this paper sets out in more detail the place of EEOS in EU energy policy. Then, the future of longer-established EEOS is explored, using Denmark and the UK as case studies. Recent and planned redesigns in these two countries are detailed, with analysis of the factors which led to changes in policy ambition. For new EEOS, key risks to delivery of savings are an over-ambitious delivery target and time line in the absence of policy learning opportunities. The policy risk for nine EEOS is assessed, with savings being most at risk in Croatia, Latvia and Spain. The paper concludes with an analysis of EEOS within the future policy mix. The discussion considers the place of EEOS in evolving EU policy, future savings from EEOS, their relationship with energy companies and the possible influence of different framings of energy efficiency. The continuing need for EEOS is explored, with concluding ideas about how to secure a strong and effective future for this policy tool.

EU Member States have been encouraged to introduce Energy Efficiency Obligation Schemes (EEOS) to help meet energy saving objectives. As a result, there are now sixteen EU EEOS in existence or planned, compared with just six prior to the introduction of the 2012 Energy Efficiency Directive. At the same time, the long-standing EEOS in Denmark and UK have faced challenges because of concerns over increasing costs. This paper considers the role of EEOS in current and future EU and national policy: can established EEOS continue to deliver significant savings; will new schemes meet their targets; and will EEOS have an important future role? This analysis builds on research for the EU Commission, IEA and European Parliament and an EU project (ENSPOL). Firstly, this paper sets out in more detail the place of EEOS in EU energy policy. Then the future of longer-established EEOS is explored, with case studies presented for the UK and Denmark. Recent and planned re-designs in these two countries are detailed, with analysis of the factors which led to changes in policy ambition. For new EEOS, key risks to delivery of savings are an over-ambitious delivery target and time line in the absence of policy learning opportunities. These risks can be mitigated by either having a preliminary or voluntary phase, or by adopting policy design from another country. The policy risk for nine EEOS is assessed, and the conclusion is that savings are at most risk in Croatia, Latvia and Spain. The paper concludes with an analysis of EEOS within the future policy mix. The discussion considers the place of EEOS in EU policy, future savings from EEOS, their relationship with energy companies and the possible influence of different framings of energy efficiency. Then thoughts about what it would take to not need EEOS as an option in the policy mix are presented, with concluding ideas about how to secure a strong and effective future for EEOS.

This paper draws on climate justice principles developed in the context of international negotiations between national governments to assess the distribution of carbon reduction roles between different actors involved in residential energy use within the UK. In so doing, it aims to provide a new understanding of equity aspects of current residential policy and to highlight opportunities for more effective and equitable policy. The paper uses three criteria: rights and corresponding duties; mitigation responsibilities and capabilities. It applies them systematically to assess the roles of five key actors involved in residential energy use in the UK. The assessment finds a suboptimal distribution of actors' duties, responsibilities and capabilities and roles and discusses whether and how a more effective and fair allocation of outcomes, in terms of carbon reduction and fuel poverty, could be achieved. In particular, it raises questions about whether the right actors are being legally obliged or incentivised to deliver energy efficiency improvements, and suggests that particular actors – local authorities and community groups – are under-used and require greater government support with capability. The paper represents the first use of international climate justice frameworks to investigate residential energy policy within a country.

This paper draws on climate justice principles developed in the context of international negotiations between national governments to assess the distribution of carbon reduction roles between different actors involved in residential energy use within the UK. In so doing, it aims to provide a new understanding of equity aspects of current residential policy and to highlight opportunities for more effective and equitable policy. The paper uses three criteria: rights and corresponding duties; mitigation responsibilities and capabilities. It applies them systematically to assess the roles of five key actors involved in residential energy use in the UK. The assessment finds a suboptimal distribution of actors' duties, responsibilities and capabilities and roles and discusses whether and how a more effective and fair allocation of outcomes, in terms of carbon reduction and fuel poverty, could be achieved. In particular, it raises questions about whether the right actors are being legally obliged or incentivised to deliver energy efficiency improvements, and suggests that particular actors – local authorities and community groups – are under-used and require greater government support with capability. The paper represents the first use of international climate justice frameworks to investigate residential energy policy within a country.

Energy use in buildings remains a significant part of overall energy demand. Deep renovation projects, delivered at scale, remain a challenging task to achieve a lower carbon building stock.The complexity of building renovation beyond standards and building specifications is related to inherent characteristics of buildings which require distinct project management techniques. While there are now more projects focusing on achieving operational performance, there is still very little research on the management of the renovation and retrofit process itself. Recognising that each project working on an existing building is unique in type, timing, energy goals and the roles/characteristics of people involved, the aim of this paper is to add to the current debate of how intervention approaches (one-off or over-time, whole-house, fabric-first room-by-room, measure-by-measure) are promoted by different policies, and with what impact. The paper discusses the complexity of a deep renovation project in terms of planning and management and the ways current policies can lead to unintended consequences in the short and long term, as well in lock-in effects that contribute to energy performance, and to the gap between designed and actual energy performance. Using a typology of risks, the issues associated with renovation processes and technologies were explored in a sample of cases studies from deep retrofits across the EU. The evidence from these shows that despite holistic planning for renovation, interventions tend to be carried out in phases. These contrasting time dimensions and the different retrofit approaches are discussed with risk profiles for each retrofit project, suggesting how risks emerge throughout a project. A series of risk mitigation strategies are suggested which, taken in combination to suit a specific project's risk profile, may serve to reduce and potentially eliminate the building renovation energy performance gap.

The Australian policy approach, based on the NABERS energy performance benchmarking scheme for commercial offices, is promoted as a 'success story' and is of interest to governments internationally. This paper explores the evidence for the impacts of the Australian approach on energy use and carbon emissions, identifies the key elements of its conception, design and implementation, and investigates the role of government. It uses a mixture of literature review, re-analysis of quantitative data and analysis of 30 original stakeholder interviews. The literature suggests that NABERS' appeal to multiple benefits of energy efficiency and its place in the wider policy mix should help deliver positive results. Analysis of publicly available data has highlighted data gaps. However, evidence suggests significant energy savings have been made, although the attribution to NABERS alone, given the policy mix, is uncertain. The interviews show high levels of agreement that the policy mix has transformed large commercial office buildings. They also highlight the wide range of actors mobilised to deliver this change and the central role of well-designed government intervention and support. The Australian experience is rightly of interest to international governments, but they must recognise that replicating its success requires attention to detail and long-term commitment.

The Energy Efficiency Directive calls for EU Member States to put in place ambitious energy efficiency policies. One of the most important Articles of the Directive is Article 7 which required Member States to implement Energy Efficiency Obligations and/or alternative policy instruments in order to reach a reduction in final energy use of 1.5% per year. This paper assesses how Article 7 has been applied by Member States and what the implications are. Analysing the notifications and National Energy Efficiency Action Plans of all 28 Member States we evaluate how Article 7 is implemented across the EU. This includes an analysis of the types of policies used, the distribution of the anticipated savings across the different policy instruments, and whether or not the way Article 7 is applied meets the requirements set by the Directive. Our analysis shows that Member States take very different approaches with some using tens of policy measures and others just one. We also identify areas of concern particularly related to the additionality of the energy savings, the calculation methods, and the monitoring and verification regimes adopted by Member States. We model to what extent the projected savings are likely to materialise. Currently only 14% of all energy savings have been rated as fully eligible, fully additional, at low risk of double counting and at low risk of non-delivery. Although the policies adopted by Member States would in theory be sufficient to meet the Article 7 targets, given the total expected savings, our analysis suggests that 86% of these expected savings are at least partially at risk of not being realised. We make suggestions for modifying the Energy Efficiency Directive in order to address some of the problems encountered.