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"Despite the frequency with which the word 'solidarity' is invoked the concept itself has rarely been subjected to close scrutiny. In this original and stereotype-busting work, David Featherstone helps redress this imbalance through an innovative combination of archival research, activist testimonies and first-hand involvement with political movements. Solidarity presents a variety of case studies, from anti-slavery and anti-fascist organizing to climate change activism and the boycotts of Coca-Cola. It unearths international forms of solidarity that are all too often marginalized by nation-centred histories of the left and social movements. Timely and wide-ranging, Solidarity is a fascinating investigation of an increasingly vital subject."--Publisher's website

This article considers the relationship between culture wars and the politically divisive landscape being shaped by contemporary forms of right–wing populism. It argues that culture wars should be understood as a technique through which the current Conservative government is seeking
to shape and secure forms of what Stuart Hall termed 'authoritarian populism'. This mode of political intervention is being generated through mobilising particular spatial divisions and imaginaries. To develop this argument the article considers two particular elements within the culture–war
discourse in Conservative politics, each of which depends on and mobilises different spatial divisions. The first section deals with the role of 'Levelling Up' discourses, while the second part explores the Tories' increasing emphasis on 'impunity' for British soldiers.

This paper offers an alternative approach to some of the temporalising logics and imaginaries which have dominated debates around the post-political and post-democracy. It does this through engaging with the writings of figures associated with the 'First New Left' notably Stuart Hall and E.P. Thompson between 1956 and 1962. I argue that their essays in texts such as Out of Apathy bear some striking similarities with the claims of literatures relating to post-politics and post-democracy. Their work I argue repays substantive engagement; however, because through its attentiveness to emergent practices and geographies of antagonism, it offers a more generative and politically strategic resolution to some of the common discontents of consensus and marketisation of politics that has characterised work on post-politics. The paper develops these arguments through a discussion of how the uneven geographies of politicisation and trajectories of the Scottish left(s) in different parts of the post-war period have shaped and impacted on the spatial politics of austerity in significant ways.

AbstractThis article introduces the key contributions of the special issue on 'Maritime networks and transnational spaces'. It draws attention to three key thematics that the papers develop. These are a set of engagements between law, space and maritime networks; a set of questions around maritime spaces, subaltern histories and transnational networks and finally a set of concerns around the forms of 'geopolitical literacy' articulated by maritime actors (Troutman 2005). Through drawing together these interlocking problematics the articles contribute to a broad agenda highlighting the productive intersection of work on maritime networks and transnational spaces. The introduction sets out some of the ways in which engagements with maritime contexts and scholarship can offer new perspectives on the transnational spatialities of politics, resistance and regulation.

AbstractThis article uses a discussion of struggles over attempts by the National Union of Seamen to exclude seafarers from the maritime labour market in the inter‐war period to contribute to debates at the intersection of maritime spaces and transnational labour geographies (cf. Balachandran 2012; Høgsbjerg 2013). By focusing on struggles engendered by the British Shipping (Assistance) Act of 1935, I explore some of the transnational dynamics through which racialized forms of trade unionism were contested. I argue that the political trajectories, solidarities and organizing spaces constructed by the alliances formed to oppose the effects of the act shaped articulations of 'decolonization from below' (James 2015). In this way, engaging with the political trajectories and activities of activists from organizations like the Colonial Seamen's Association can reveal new ways of understanding the spatial politics of decolonization and new accounts of who or how such processes were articulated and contested. I conclude the article by arguing that engagement with these struggles can help assert the importance of forms of subaltern agency in shaping processes of decolonization.

In the wake of the general election and the sense of expanding political horizons, Stuart Hall has never been more relevant. Revisiting his ideas and approaches as we enter a new and turbulent conjuncture.

This article explores the forms of activism forged by seafarers' organisers from the Caribbean in interwar Britain to problematise dominant ways of thinking about 'race', labour and place. It focuses on Guyanese Harry O'Connell, who was to become one of the most prominent organisers of Cardiff's multiethnic seafaring community in the 1920s and 1930s. He was influential in struggles against the forms of 'white labourism' adopted by the National Union of Seamen. A committed Communist, O'Connell drew on the networks of the Comintern-affiliated International of Seamen and Harbour Workers (ISH) and International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) to contest such white labourism, whilst simultaneously negotiating the racialised forms of internationalism constituted through Communist networks. The piece contributes to a broader 'reparative' approach to history which explores the terms on which labour, space and place are articulated.