Russian media and the war in Ukraine
In: Journal of Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society 1.2015,1
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In: Journal of Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society 1.2015,1
In: Studies in Intelligence
In: Studies in intelligence
"This book explores the mythology woven around the Soviet secret police and the Russian cult of state security that has emerged from it"--
In: Journal of educational media, memory, and society: JEMMS ; the journal of the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 107-135
ISSN: 2041-6946
This article explores a key claim underpinning Russian official memory politics, namely, the notion that Russia's past (and especially the role it played in the Second World War) is the object of a campaign of "historical falsification" aimed at, among other things, undermining Russian sovereignty, especially by distorting young people's historical consciousness. Although "historical falsification" is an important keyword in the Kremlin's discourse, it has received little scholarly attention. Via an analysis of official rhetoric and methodological literature aimed at history teachers, I investigate the ideological functions performed by the concept of "historical falsification." I show how it serves to reinforce a conspiratorial vision of Russia as a nation under siege, while simultaneously justifying the drive toward greater state control over history education.
In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Band 163, Heft 6, S. 18-27
ISSN: 1744-0378
In: The RUSI journal: independent thinking on defence and security, Band 163, Heft 6, S. 18-27
ISSN: 0307-1847
World Affairs Online
In: Osteuropa, Band 67, Heft 5, S. 61-85
ISSN: 0030-6428
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs, Band 88, Heft 2, S. 417-418
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: Intelligence and national security, Band 26, Heft 6, S. 842-863
ISSN: 1743-9019
In: Intelligence and national security, Band 26, Heft 6, S. 842-864
ISSN: 0268-4527
In: Soviet and post-Soviet politics and society Vol. 235
Built on up-to-date field material, this edited volume suggests an anthropological approach to the palimpsest-like milieus of Wrocław, Lviv, Chernivtsi, and Chişinău. In these East-Central European borderline cities, the legacies of Nazism, Marxism-Leninism, and violent ethno-nationalism have been revisited in recent decades in search of profound moral reckoning and in response to the challenges posed by the (post-)transitional period. Present shapes and contents of these urban settings derive from combinations of fragmented material environments, cultural continuities and political ruptures, present-day heritage industries and collective memories about the contentious past, expressive architectural forms and less conspicuous meaning-making activities of human actors. In other words, they evolve from perpetual tensions between choices of the past and the burden of the past. A novel feature of this book is its multi-level approach to the analysis of engagements with the lost diversity in historical urban milieus full of post-war voids and ruptures. In particular, the collected studies test the possibility of combining the theoretical propositions of Memory Studies with broader conceptualizations of borderlands, cosmopolitan sociality, urban mythologies, and hybridity. The volume's contributors are Eleonora Narvselius, Bo Larsson, Natalia Otrishchenko, Anastasia Felcher, Juliet D. Golden, Hana Cervinkova, Paweł Czajkowski, Alexandr Voronovici, Barbara Pabjan, Nadiia Bureiko, Teodor Lucian Moga, and Gaelle Fisher.
In: Osteuropa, Band 72, Heft 11, S. 205-233
ISSN: 2509-3444
World Affairs Online
Built on up-to-date field material, this edited volume suggests an anthropological approach to the palimpsest-like milieus of Wrocław, Lviv, Chernivtsi, and Chişinău. In these East-Central European borderline cities, the legacies of Nazism, Marxism-Leninism, and violent ethno-nationalism have been revisited in recent decades in search of profound moral reckoning and in response to the challenges posed by the (post-)transitional period. Present shapes and contents of these urban settings derive from combinations of fragmented material environments, cultural continuities and political ruptures, present-day heritage industries and collective memories about the contentious past, expressive architectural forms and less conspicuous meaning-making activities of human actors. In other words, they evolve from perpetual tensions between choices of the past and the burden of the past. A novel feature of this book is its multi-level approach to the analysis of engagements with the lost diversity in historical urban milieus full of post-war voids and ruptures. In particular, the collected studies test the possibility of combining the theoretical propositions of Memory Studies with broader conceptualizations of borderlands, cosmopolitan sociality, urban mythologies, and hybridity.
BASE
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 161-181
ISSN: 1465-3923
In this article, we examine how the Putin government is attempting to respond and adapt to the YouTube phenomenon and the vibrant oppositional online visual culture on Runet. We show how these processes are giving rise to new forms of state propaganda, shaped and driven above all by the quest for high-ranking search-engine results and the concomitant desire to appeal to the perceived new sensibilities of the Internet generation through the commissioning and production of "viral videos." We focus in particular on the videos created by Iurii Degtiarev, a pioneer in the development of this genre, whose works we explore in light of the "Kremlingate" email leaks, which offer inside information on the strategies and aims being pursued on the online visual front of the campaign to manage the Russian mediascape, and Degtiarev's own reflections on this subject. Examining the output of young creatives patronized by the Kremlin offers a "bottom-up" view to supplement studies of the Russian ideological and media landscape as shaped by "political technologists" such as Vladislav Surkov and Gleb Pavlovskii.