Suchergebnisse

This paper develops an index of development for British children in the 1970 cohort, assessed at 22 months, 42 months, 5 years and 10 years. The score at 22 months predicts educational qualifications at age 26 and is related to family background. The children of educated or wealthy parents who scored poorly in the early tests had a tendency to catch up, whereas children of worse‐off parents who scored poorly were extremely unlikely to catch up and are shown to be an at‐risk group. There is no evidence that entry into schooling reverses this pattern.

In this paper we explain some of the difficulties of providing forecasts of the financial benefits of early intervention programmes, focussing on those delivered during the early childhood period. We highlight the diversity of early intervention, and the complexity and multiplicity of outcomes. We summarise recent work at the Early Intervention Foundation to assess the evidence on the impacts of early intervention, recognising the diversity of approaches to delivery and the importance of innovation and local practice as well as of rigorous approaches to evaluating causal effects. We also describe new ways of assessing accurately the local fiscal costs of late intervention and consider the implications of this for addressing the well-established barriers to investment in prevention. Our analysis brings to the fore gaps in the evidence from which even the most rigorous 'gold-standard' research is not immune. These limitations prevent the production of an accurate and realistic cost-benefit ratio or net present value for the majority of programmes as delivered in practice. We suggest some paths towards a firmer foundation of evidence and a better alignment of evidence and policy.

In the context of risk and resilience, the paper attempts to integrate three strands of research: genetic and mental-health factors, the findings of cohort studies and those of other investigations of educational outcomes. A very wide range of factors, many of them related to disadvantage, bear on such outcomes, but none deterministically. Intelligence, conduct and emotional disorders are all found to influence academic achievement to varying degrees, as do a number of aspects of family, school and the wider social environment. Aspects that contribute to resilience are identified, and the paper concludes with a discussion of interventions to enhance resilience.

In this paper we do the following: First we describe the remit and programme of the University of London's Wider Benefits of Learning Research Centre, which studies the noneconomic effects of learning, at individual but also collective level. We set out a theoretical framework for our programme, organised around three 'capitals': human capital, social capital, and identity capital. After that we report results drawn from two large-scale longitudinal datasets. We use the data collected in the 1958 cohort study at ages 33 and 42 to assess the wider benefits of participating in any form of education over the period 33 to 42. This focusses on four clusters of outcomes: health; wellbeing; social attitudes; and political involvement. Additionally, we trace a variety of relationships, and discuss the issues involved in establishing causality. Our conclusion is that education is not so much an option for government but an absolute pre-requisite for the promotion of personal well-being and a cohesive society. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Zu Beginn wird das Wider Benefits of Learning Research Centre der Universität London vorgestellt, das sich mit den nicht-ökonomischen Effekten des Lernens und der Bildung auf individueller und kollektiver Ebene beschäftigt. Nach einer Erläuterung des theoretischen Rahmens der Studien, der auf den drei Konzepten Humankapital, Soziales Kapital und Identitätskapital beruht, werden die Ergebnisse zweier britischer Longitudinalstudien (Beginn: 1958 bzw. 1970) vorgestellt. Insbesondere werden die Folgen der Teilhabe an Bildung in den Bereichen Gesundheit, Wohlbefinden, soziale Einstellungen und politisches Involvement differenziert aufgezeigt. Die Schlussfolgerung lautet: Regierungen sollten wissen, dass Bildung nicht einfach eine Möglichkeit, sondern eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung für die Förderung von persönlichem Wohlbefinden und einer kohäsiven Gesellschaft ist. (DIPF/Orig.)

AbstractEducation boosts individuals' productivity and wages. Yet many individuals leave school with minimal skills and qualifications. One way for these workers to catch up might be lifelong learning. We find that a particular form of lifelong learning, work related training, does have a positive impact on earnings. However, firms tend only to train those workers who will gain from training. Training does benefit those chosen to receive it but if all workers received training, the average impact on wages would be low. Hence, this form of lifelong learning is not necessarily an effective way of raising wages.

Education boosts individuals' productivity and wages. Yet many individuals leave school with minimal skills and qualifications. One way for these workers to catch up might be lifelong learning. We find that a particular form of lifelong learning, work related training, does have a positive impact on earnings. However, firms tend only to train those workers who will gain from training. Training does benefit those chosen to receive it but if all workers received training, the average impact on wages would be low. Hence, this form of lifelong learning is not necessarily an effective way of raising wages. (Original abstract)