Suchergebnisse

Towards the ends of the nineties, Argentina was in a critic socio-economic situation, result of the application of a governmental program aligned with the proposals of the Washington Consensus. In 2001, the severity of the crisis became despairing and produced a series of protests demonstrations with its highest point during the events of 19th and 20th of December, know was Argentinazo.Together with popular organizations such as unemployed and piquetero[1] associations, some artistic collectives accompanied the protests with actions in public spaces. Arde! Arte was one of them. Between 2001 and 2006, the group operated on the streets of Buenos Aires with interventions that conjugated resources like irony, humor and denunciation, and tensed the relationships between art and politics from unprecedented perspectives while –because of its dehierarchized and horizontal nature– contributing to generate a gaze and memory of the biggest crisis in the country's history.This article will analyze some of their actions in the light of the representations of the crisis produced by Arde! Arte and its interactions with other contemporary collectives such as GAC, Etcétera and TPS.[1] The term piquetero refers to a person that –as a way of protesting– interrupts the accesses to urban centers. ; Hacia finales de la década del noventa, la Argentina se encontraba en una situación socio-económica crítica, resultado de la aplicación de un programa de gobierno alineado con las propuestas del Consenso de Washington. En 2001, la gravedad de la crisis se tornó desesperante y produjo una serie de protestas y manifestaciones que tuvieron su punto más alto el 19 y 20 de diciembre, durante las jornadas conocidas como el Argentinazo.En conjunto con organizaciones populares como agrupaciones de desocupados y piqueteros,[1] algunos colectivos artísticos acompañaron los reclamos con acciones en la vía pública. Arde! Arte fue uno de ellos. Entre 2001 y 2006, el colectivo operó en las calles de Buenos Aires con intervenciones que conjugaron recursos como la ironía, el humor y la denuncia, y lograron tensar la relación entre arte y política desde perspectivas antes inéditas, al tiempo que –conforme a su carácter desjerarquizado y horizontal– contribuyó a generar una mirada y una memoria acerca de la mayor crisis en la historia del país.Este artículo analizará algunas de sus acciones a la luz de las representaciones de la crisis producidas por Arde! Arte y su interacción con otros colectivos contemporáneos como GAC, Etcétera o TPS.[1] El término piquetero designa a la persona que –como modo de protesta– realiza cortes de ruta y accesos a los centros urbanos.

Towards the ends of the nineties, Argentina was in a critic socio-economic situation, result of the application of a governmental program aligned with the proposals of the Washington Consensus. In 2001, the severity of the crisis became despairing and produced a series of protests demonstrations with its highest point during the events of 19th and 20th of December, know was Argentinazo.Together with popular organizations such as unemployed and piquetero[1] associations, some artistic collectives accompanied the protests with actions in public spaces. Arde! Arte was one of them. Between 2001 and 2006, the group operated on the streets of Buenos Aires with interventions that conjugated resources like irony, humor and denunciation, and tensed the relationships between art and politics from unprecedented perspectives while –because of its dehierarchized and horizontal nature– contributing to generate a gaze and memory of the biggest crisis in the country's history.This article will analyze some of their actions in the light of the representations of the crisis produced by Arde! Arte and its interactions with other contemporary collectives such as GAC, Etcétera and TPS.[1] The term piquetero refers to a person that –as a way of protesting– interrupts the accesses to urban centers. ; Hacia finales de la década del noventa, la Argentina se encontraba en una situación socio-económica crítica, resultado de la aplicación de un programa de gobierno alineado con las propuestas del Consenso de Washington. En 2001, la gravedad de la crisis se tornó desesperante y produjo una serie de protestas y manifestaciones que tuvieron su punto más alto el 19 y 20 de diciembre, durante las jornadas conocidas como el Argentinazo.En conjunto con organizaciones populares como agrupaciones de desocupados y piqueteros,[1] algunos colectivos artísticos acompañaron los reclamos con acciones en la vía pública. Arde! Arte fue uno de ellos. Entre 2001 y 2006, el colectivo operó en las calles de Buenos Aires con intervenciones que conjugaron recursos como la ironía, el humor y la denuncia, y lograron tensar la relación entre arte y política desde perspectivas antes inéditas, al tiempo que –conforme a su carácter desjerarquizado y horizontal– contribuyó a generar una mirada y una memoria acerca de la mayor crisis en la historia del país.Este artículo analizará algunas de sus acciones a la luz de las representaciones de la crisis producidas por Arde! Arte y su interacción con otros colectivos contemporáneos como GAC, Etcétera o TPS.[1] El término piquetero designa a la persona que –como modo de protesta– realiza cortes de ruta y accesos a los centros urbanos.

This paper analizes the exhibition Arde! Arte de acción colectiva a 10 años del 19 y 20, which took place at the Cultural Center for Cooperation Florean Gorrini (Buenos Aires, 2011, institutional curatorship). The show presented some of the actions of the group Arde! Arte, and it is its aim to approach the problematics of exhibiting immaterial productions through the study of the strategies used in this show. The essay employs an interdisciplinary methodology: philosophy and art history are used to analyze the relationships between art and politics, as well as the artistic development in public spaces; history, sociology and economy are useful to describe the context of the 2001 crisis. Curatorial studies and theory of art present some characteristics of the group, including its origins, their forms of production —mostly developed in public spaces—, its bonds with organizations of unemployed workers and "piqueteros", human rights organizations and other art groups that made the serious social conflicts of the period, and their place within Argentinian artistic activism visible. Finally, visual studies will enable the speaking of exhibitions as living organisms, generators of experiences and knowledge. ; El presente trabajo analizará la exhibición Arde! Arte de acción colectiva a 10 años del 19 y 20, realizada en el Centro Cultural de la Cooperación Florean Gorrini en 2011. La muestra presentó algunas de las acciones del colectivo Arde! Arte, que funcionó desde 2001 hasta 2006. Se pretende acercarse a la problemática de cómo mostrar producciones de carácter inmaterial, a partir de estudiar las estrategias utilizadas en la muestra. Se describirá el período en el cual se desarrollaron las obras –desde el Argentinazo en 2001 hasta la disolución del colectivo en 2006– y se detallará la espacialidad de la exhibición para reflexionar respecto de sus modos de exponer lo inmaterial. Se utilizará una metodología interdisciplinar: la filosofía y la historia del arte se utilizarán para analizar la cuestión de la relación ...

This article investigates the case of Nanoquest, a small diversification project that was tied to BAE Systems' earlier incarnation as British Aerospace (BAe). The article shows that British military firms can have success when diversifying into civilian markets, but the process can be sabotaged by managerial interference. The article also illustrates the limited utility of dual-use theories in explaining diversification outcomes. Success and failure are also shaped by power relationships rather than simply by technological similarities or limitations. The article shows why discourses about dual use, the relatedness of military and civilian technologies, networks, learning, and information exchange cannot fully explain how and whether diversification barriers are overcome. One key reason is that the degree of dual-use relationships, or the commonality between military and civilian markets, is based on an historical process of learning and resource acquisition over time. This learning and resource acquisition in turn is mediated by various power structures and struggles within the firm as identified by institutional economists and various management theorists.

A growing debate has emerged abot corporations'growing influence on higher education and universities'role as entrepreneurial agents. At the same time, economically peripheral regions that lack access to higher education resources or fail to attract and retain engineers risk being marginalized in the `informational society'. The apparent tradeoff between `corporatization'and `marginalization'can be resolved if new spaces for higher learning and creativity are created that promote both democracy and sustainable growth. This article outlines a strategy for creating such new intellectual spaces by reviewing discussions about creativity, learning and innovative milieux as well as examples of creative organizations.

Describes a lack of imagination within the peace movement in terms of offering alternatives for promoting global peace, a flaw that hurts the movement in terms of the financial & other support that it can generate. It is suggested that this failure is due, in part, to a failure to devise alternative forms of accumulating power, either politically or economically. Ways that the Left can accumulate power so as to effectively compete with the established order (dominated by corporate interests) & the Right are discussed, along with factors that may constrain such efforts. Emphasis is on the judicious utilization of the media & the development of an effective ideology designed to promote the democratic reorganization of the economic & political spheres in countries facing militarization. 5 References. K. Hyatt Stewart