Moroccan foreign policy under Mohammed VI, 1999-2014
In: Durham modern Middle East and Islamic world series 39
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In: Durham modern Middle East and Islamic world series 39
World Affairs Online
In: The Middle East journal, Band 77, Heft 2, S. 251-253
ISSN: 1940-3461
The Politics of Immigration beyond Liberal States: Morocco and Tunisia in Comparative Perspective, by Katharina Natter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 280 pages. $99.99 cloth, e-book.
In: International studies review, Band 25, Heft 4
ISSN: 1468-2486
Abstract
The international (non)recognition of governments is a composite macro practice that has grown in visibility in recent years in response to contentious domestic political processes such as coups d'état, revolutions, and civil wars, yet it remains understudied in international relations. Doctrinal debates in international law and foreign policy reveal the normative vacuum and normative competition that have long surrounded this phenomenon, but say little about its specific operation and effects. This article brings together insights from recognition theory and international practice theory, and uses post-2011 Libya as an in-depth case study, drawing on elite interviews with diplomats, international officials, and other practitioners. The aim is to sketch a new research agenda by building a generalizable typology of smaller-scale government recognition micro practices (declaratory, diplomatic, informal engagement, intergovernmental cooperation, and support practices), and uncovering their guiding logics and consequences. I argue that, first, the international (non)recognition of governments is endowed with a distinct generative power, as it produces its own creatures through a range of micro practices that have identity formation and change, material empowerment, political legitimation, and sovereignty line-drawing effects. Secondly, it is geopolitically inevitable, as external actors involved in a country cannot ultimately avoid engaging with territorially grounded domestic political actors. Thirdly, it is not a black-and-white situation, as it involves a broad variety of practices guided by different, often contradictory logics. Finally, international government recognition practices are likely to run into three dilemmas stemming from three tensions: international versus domestic recognition, legitimacy versus effectiveness, and coherence versus inclusivity in conflict mediation.
In: International studies review
ISSN: 1468-2486
The international (non)recognition of governments is a composite macro practice that has grown in visibility in recent years in response to contentious domestic political processes such as coups d'état, revolutions, and civil wars, yet it remains understudied in international relations. Doctrinal debates in international law and foreign policy reveal the normative vacuum and normative competition that have long surrounded this phenomenon, but say little about its specific operation and effects. This article brings together insights from recognition theory and international practice theory, and uses post-2011 Libya as an in-depth case study, drawing on elite interviews with diplomats, international officials, and other practitioners. The aim is to sketch a new research agenda by building a generalizable typology of smaller-scale government recognition micro practices (declaratory, diplomatic, informal engagement, intergovernmental cooperation, and support practices), and uncovering their guiding logics and consequences. I argue that, first, the international (non)recognition of governments is endowed with a distinct generative power, as it produces its own creatures through a range of micro practices that have identity formation and change, material empowerment, political legitimation, and sovereignty line-drawing effects. Secondly, it is geopolitically inevitable, as external actors involved in a country cannot ultimately avoid engaging with territorially grounded domestic political actors. Thirdly, it is not a black-and-white situation, as it involves a broad variety of practices guided by different, often contradictory logics. Finally, international government recognition practices are likely to run into three dilemmas stemming from three tensions: international versus domestic recognition, legitimacy versus effectiveness, and coherence versus inclusivity in conflict mediation.
World Affairs Online
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 45, Heft 3, S. 407-430
ISSN: 1469-9044
This article proposes a typology of causal mechanisms whereby transnational relations of recognition constitute conflict actors in frozen conflicts. While the agency of an emerging conflict actor manifests itself in 'struggles for recognition' motivated by experiences of 'disrespect', responses from different significant others vary in terms of motivations and pathways (mechanisms of recognition). Adapting Honneth's tripartite division, the typology distinguishes between four forms of recognition: thin cognitive recognition, 'respect'/rights, 'esteem'/difference, and 'love'/empathy. Three transnational corrections are made in order to include transnational relations of recognition, non-state actors, and unstructured social-relational forms of international/transnational recognition. The typology is applied to the conflict of Western Sahara, which has been reshaped by the rise of internal Sahrawi pro-independence groups (based inside the territory annexed by Morocco) as an increasingly relevant conflict actor, with their identity shifting from victims to human rights activists to activists involved in an unsolved conflict. This identity and social-status formation has been the product of transnational recognition from three significant others: the annexing state (Morocco), the contested state-in-exile (SADR), and the international community. The overall effect of intermingling recognition processes, including various instrumental initiatives deprived of mutuality, has been increased struggle and conflict complexity rather than 'recognitional peace'.
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 376-400
ISSN: 1362-9387
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 376-400
ISSN: 1743-9345
In: Human rights quarterly, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 1037-1040
ISSN: 1085-794X
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 308-310
ISSN: 1743-9418
In: The Revised European Neighbourhood Policy, S. 219-238
In: Mediterranean politics, S. 1-3
ISSN: 1354-2982, 1362-9395
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 235-254
ISSN: 1743-9418
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 235-254
ISSN: 1354-2982, 1362-9395
World Affairs Online
In: Revista de estudios internacionales mediterráneos: REIM, Heft 14
ISSN: 1887-4460
ResumenEste artículo presenta un análisis que disecciona el trato bilateral ventajoso que otorga la UE a Marruecos. El rol nacional de este país como alumno modelo y la dinámica intergubernamental que impulsó decisivamente el proyecto Estatuto Avanzado son los principales argumentos complementarios que se reflexionan en este artículo. Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Marruecos, relaciones bilaterales, Estatuto AvanzadoAbstractThis paper presents an analysis of the advantageous bilateral treatment granted by the EU to Morocco. The country's national role as a advanced student and the intergovernmental dynamics that drove decisively the project of advanced statute are the two main and complementary arguments shown in this article. Keywords: European Union, Morocco, bilataral relations.
In: Política exterior: revista bimestral, Band 26, Heft 149, S. 96-108
ISSN: 0213-6856