Suchergebnisse

La pregunta de investigación de este artículo es averiguar los determinantes de las actitudes de los mexicanos hacia los Estados Unidos. Tradicionalmente la literatura ha realizado un análisis basado en el sistema internacional o desde la perspectiva estatal y ha propuesto dos explicaciones que se centrarían en el nacionalismo político y el nacionalismo económico. Aquí se propone una tercera explicación que nos permite proporcionar una tercera hipótesis que llamamos de contacto. Contrastamos estas hipótesis y vemos que, si bien las explicaciones tradicionales siguen siendo válidas, nuestra hipótesis tiene validez. Todo el análisis se realiza con los datos que provee la encuesta "México y el Mundo 2006" del CIDE. ; The research question of this paper is to sort out the determinants of the Mexican attitudes towards the United States. Traditionally, the literature has conducted an analysis based either in the international system or from the state perspective and there have been two proposals based in the political nationalism and in the economic nationalism. Here we propose a third explanation, that allow us to provide a third hypothesis, that we call the 'contact' hypothesis. We contrast those hypotheses and observe that, though the traditional explanations are still valid, our hypothesis is valid. All the analysis is realized with the data from "Mexico and the World 2006" provided by CIDE.

Political science knows a fair amount about the variables explaining party systems fragmentation or the constant in the equation of the number of parties. But we know much less about changes in the number of parties over time within countries or the slope in the equation of the number of parties. This paper fills this gap explaining the entry of new viable competitors in party systems after the founding election. Using empirical evidence from Spain, we show that when there is an electoral market failure and the higher the number of perfectly elastic voters, the higher the probability of new viable entrants. ; La ciencia política tiene un conocimiento bastante extenso de las variables que explican el sistema de fragmentación de partidos o de la constante en la ecuación del número de partidos. Pero, en cambio, se sabe mucho menos sobre los cambios en el número de partidos en el tiempo en los países o la pendiente de la ecuación en el número de los partidos. Este trabajo viene a cubrir esta carencia al explicar la entrada de los nuevos competidores viables en el sistema de partidos después de la elección fundacional. Utilizando la evidencia empírica de España, mostramos que cuando hay un fallo del mercado electoral y cuanto mayor es el número de votantes perfectamente elásticos, mayor es la probabilidad de nuevas entradas viables.

Which countries hold the fairest elections? The Perceptions of Electoral Integrity dataset analysed every election held so far in 2016 and ranked countries in order of electoral integrity. Ferran Martinez i Coma introduces the findings and identifies some important trends – notably a move away from ballot-stuffing and towards abuses of campaign finance and media manipulation. For the first time, the questionnaire introduced questions about bribery, patronage and the fear of political violence.

Abstract
The Australian House of Representatives contains far fewer women than men. But is this because parties of left and right discriminate against women or because voters do? Using a new dataset comprising 7271 House candidates from 2001 to 2019, firstly, we find that the percentage of women candidates is increasing, but is consistently higher for parties of the left than the right. Secondly, women tend to be selected more by parties of both left and right in unsafe seats. Thirdly, all else being equal, voters reward women running for Labor with over 1400 votes more, are neutral towards those of the Liberals and Greens, but tend to penalise women standing for the Nationals. We conclude that, overall, it is parties, not voters, driving under-representation of women in Australia's lower house.