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The paper casts light on structural factors limiting and shaping the actions of planners. In doing so it attempts to compensate for the emphasis planning theory places on the agency dimension of planners at the expense of the structural limitations they encounter. The paper draws from Giddens's structuration theory, which depicts how the imbrication of agency and structure within institutional contexts sets the resources and constraints environment wherein social actors function. In order to adapt structuration theory to the reality of planners, the paper explores how motivations driving their agency take form largely within their professional realm. It also highlights the role institutional dynamics and political economy play in setting the structural context in which planners operate. The empirical substance originates from two junctures in the evolution of Toronto planning. The paper paints the picture of knowledgeable and reflective planners making informed decisions within changing structural contexts they do not control.

As any social phenomenon, the evolution of suburbs can be seen as at the confluence of two contradictory sets of forces. There are first forces of change, which propel suburbs in new directions. Much of the present literature on suburbs highlights suburban transitions in the form of social and economic diversification, and of new forms of development. The article attempts to rebalance the discourse on suburbs by emphasizing forces of durability. It does not deny the importance of observed suburban transitions, but argues that there is, at the heart of North American suburbs, an enduring automobility-induced transportation dynamic, which reverberates on most aspects of suburbs. The article explores the mechanisms undergirding suburban durability by linking the suburban transportation dynamic to the self-reproductive effects of a suburban lifestyle and culture and their political manifestations. These forces impede planning attempts to transform suburbs in ways that make them more environmentally sustainable. To empirically ground its argument, the article draws on two Toronto region case studies illustrating processes assuring the persistence of the durable features of North American suburbs: the layout of large suburban multifunctional centres and the themes raised by Rob Ford during his successful 2010 mayoralty electoral campaign.

As any social phenomenon, the evolution of suburbs can be seen as at the confluence of two contradictory sets of forces. There are first forces of change, which propel suburbs in new directions. Much of the present literature on suburbs highlights suburban transitions in the form of social and economic diversification, and of new forms of development. The article attempts to rebalance the discourse on suburbs by emphasizing forces of durability. It does not deny the importance of observed suburban transitions, but argues that there is, at the heart of North American suburbs, an enduring automobility-induced transportation dynamic, which reverberates on most aspects of suburbs. The article explores the mechanisms undergirding suburban durability by linking the suburban transportation dynamic to the self-reproductive effects of a suburban lifestyle and culture and their political manifestations. These forces impede planning attempts to transform suburbs in ways that make them more environmentally sustainable. To empirically ground its argument, the article draws on two Toronto region case studies illustrating processes assuring the persistence of the durable features of North American suburbs: the layout of large suburban multifunctional centres and the themes raised by Rob Ford during his successful 2010 mayoralty electoral campaign.

This commentary addresses the evolution of the North American suburb over the last 70 years, a period over which it adopted a development pattern marking a radical break from prior forms of urban settlement. Early in this period, the emerging suburban form constituted perhaps the sharpest transition in the history of urbanism in terms of urban form and transportation. This suburban form rapidly came to dominate North American metropolitan regions and spread to other parts of the world. In this commentary, I propose a brief history of the North American suburb since the late 1940s seen through the lens of the contributions it made to the evolution of urbanism across the continent. I contend that while suburbs are often associated with urban stasis, because perceived as an impediment to the emergence of new environmentally sensitive and socially and functionally integrated urban formulas relying on public transit and walking, they have played a major transformative role in the past and may be the source of further urban transitions in the future. North American suburbs have also undergone deep social changes over the last decades. However, I question the claim, made by some researchers, that we are entering a post-suburban era; but at the same time, I acknowledge the possibility of major future innovations within present suburban configurations.

Traditionnellement, au Canada, les milieux d'affaires sont en bonne position pour influencer les politiques locales. Les municipalités font de plus en plus appel à l'entrepreneurship local pour diversifier leur base économique, mais leur autonomie à l'égard du capital n'augmente pas. L'auteur s'intéresse aux efforts de développement de six municipalités ontariennes et à la manière dont elles s'y sont prises (processus, secteurs économiques visés, instruments utilisés) pour atteindre leurs objectifs de développement local. Il appert que si les fonctionnaires et les milieux d'affaires jouent un rôle de premier plan dans l'élaboration des stratégies locales, dans l'ensemble, la population n'y participe pas.

AbstractDuring the years following the second world war, an urban development model—dispersed suburbanism (DS)—came to predominate in North America. The low‐density functional specialization and all‐out automobile orientation of this new urban form were ideally suited to the circumstances of the time, thus accounting for its rapid adoption. DS also proved to be adaptable to changing societal circumstances, which explains its predominance as an urban development model under both Fordism and neoliberalism. The adaptability of this urban form also contributed to its spread across much of the world, including Europe. This essay contends that powerful path dependencies maintain DS in place, despite planning efforts to achieve more compact, public‐transit oriented urban development. It also argues that the persistence of DS is a source of hardship for low‐income households forced to live in suburban environments, and entrenches conservative political values.

AbstractThere is a growing sense that the North American low‐density and automobile‐dependent urban form is unsustainable from the perspectives of quality of life, economics and the environment. Yet for all the calls for a transformation of development patterns, trends inherited from the post‐second world war period die hard. This article employs structuration theory to generate a conceptual framework that identifies factors of structural stability and transformation. It then uses this framework to account for difficulties in achieving a transition to higher density and less automobile‐dependent forms of development. The evidence originates from Toronto and points to an uncertain transition in urban development. The article closes with a consideration of society‐wide implications of the difficulties in redirecting structural tendencies when an environmental crisis looms on the horizon.Résumé Selon une opinion grandissante, la formule de la ville nord‐américaine à faible densité et dépendante de l'automobile ne peut durer, que l'on considère la qualité de la vie, l'économie ou l'environnement. Malgré tous les appels à un changement de schémas d'aménagement, les tendances héritées de l'après‐deuxième guerre mondiale ont la vie dure. S'appuyant sur la théorie de la structuration, l'article définit un cadre conceptuel qui identifie les facteurs de stabilité et de transformation structurelle. Il applique ensuite ce cadre pour rendre compte des problèmes que pose une transition vers des formes d'aménagement moins denses et moins dépendantes de l'automobile. Les éléments factuels, tirés du cas de Toronto, indiquent une phase de transition incertaine dans l'aménagement urbain. La conclusion s'intéresse aux implications, à l'échelle de la société, des difficultés à réorienter les tendances structurelles alors qu'une crise environnementale menace.

By North American standards Toronto is a concentrated agglomeration. Its downtown has enjoyed spectacular growth since the 1960s; most inner-city neighbourhoods are perceived as desirable; and public transit patronage is high relative to that of same-size North American metropolitan regions. Still, it is within dispersed, car-oriented, suburbs that most post-1950 development has taken place. This agglomeration is composed of two realms—a concentrated and a dispersed realm—differentiated by their respective land-use-transportation dynamic. The concentrated realm is defined by a considerable reliance on walking and public transportation, a mixing of land uses and overall higher employment and residential densities than elsewhere in the metropolitan region. Meanwhile, the dispersed realm is car dependent, dominated by large monofunctional zones and developed at a relatively low density. The author links the coexistence and respective importance of these two realms in the Toronto agglomeration both to the nature of urban policies implemented since 1950 and to the circumstances that have led to their adoption. The construction of expressways, suburban type land-use planning, and a generous provision of open space have abetted dispersion. By contrast, the construction of a subway system and measures encouraging the redevelopment of underused land have promoted growth within the concentrated portion of the agglomeration. It is noteworthy, however, that these measures have failed in their attempts to induce concentration beyond the prewar urbanized perimeter. The author examines the positive and negative aspects of the presence of these two realms within a given agglomeration and highlights the threat newly adopted policies represent for the concentrated realm.