Suchergebnisse

The authors of "Legalization and World Politics" (International Organization, 54, 3, summer 2000) define "legalization" as the degree of obligation, precision, and delegation that international institutions possess. We argue that this definition is unnecessarily narrow. Law is a broad social phenomenon that is deeply embedded in the practices, beliefs, and traditions of societies. Understanding its role in politics requires attention to the legitimacy of law, to custom and law's congruence with social practice, to the role of legal rationality, and to adherence to legal processes, including participation in law's construction. We examine three applications of "legalization" offered in the volume and show how a fuller consideration of law's role in politics can produce concepts that are more robust intellectually and more helpful to empirical research.

International Relations scholars have vigorous theories to explain why international organizations (IOs) are created, but they have paid little attention to IO behavior and whether IOs actually do what their creators intend. This blind spot flows logically from the economic theories of organization that have dominated the study of international institutions and regimes. To recover the agency and autonomy of IOs, we offer a constructivist approach. Building on Max Weber's well-known analysis of bureaucracy, we argue that IOs are much more powerful than even neoliberals have argued, and that the same characteristics of bureaucracy that make IOs powerful can also make them prone to dysfunctional behavior. IOs are powerful because, like all bureaucracies, they make rules, and, in so doing, they create social knowledge. IOs deploy this knowledge in ways that define shared international tasks, create new categories of actors, form new interests for actors, and transfer new models of political organization around the world. However, the same normative valuation on impersonal rules that defines bureaucracies and makes them powerful in modern life can also make them unresponsive to their environments, obsessed with their own rules at the expense of primary missions, and ultimately produce inefficient and self-defeating behavior. Sociological and constructivist approaches thus allow us to expand the research agenda beyond IO creation and to ask important questions about the consequences of global bureaucratization and the effects of IOs in world politics.

"Academics and policy makers frequently discuss global governance but they treat governance as a structure or process, rarely considering who actually does the governing. This volume focuses on the agents of global governance: 'global governors'. The global policy arena is filled with a wide variety of actors such as international organizations, corporations, professional associations and advocacy groups, all seeking to 'govern' activity surrounding their issues of concern. Who Governs the Globe? lays out a theoretical framework for understanding and investigating governors in world politics. It then applies this framework to various governors and policy arenas, including arms control, human rights, economic development, and global education. Edited by three of the world's leading international relations scholars, this is an important contribution that will be useful for courses, as well as for researchers in international studies and international organisations"--

Mit einem Vorwort von Thomas Hoebel, Laura Wolters und Stefan Malthaner Mit einer Einführung von Martha Finnemore Mit einem Nachwort von Elisabeth Jean Wood Warum stellen einige politische Gewalttäter ihre Taten öffentlich und spektakulär zur Schau? Lee Ann Fujii geht dieser Frage anhand von drei extremen Gewaltereignissen nach: der Ermordung einer Tutsi-Familie während des Völkermords in Ruanda, der Hinrichtung muslimischer Männer in einem serbisch kontrollierten Dorf in Bosnien während der Balkankriege und des Lynchmords an einem schwarzen Landarbeiter an der Ostküste von Maryland im Jahr 1933. Fujii zeigt mit diesen Beispielen, dass es bei demonstrativer Gewalt immer auch darum geht, Einfluss auf die Umstehenden, auf Nachbarschaften oder gar ganze Bevölkerungen zu gewinnen. Das Zuschauen und die Teilnahme an diesen Gewaltspektakeln verändern die Beteiligten mitunter tiefgreifend und stärken politische Identitäten, soziale Hierarchien und Machtstrukturen. Solche öffentlichen Gewalttaten zwingen die Mitglieder der Gemeinschaft auch dazu, sich für eine Seite zu entscheiden: offen die Ziele der Gewalt zu unterstützen oder zu riskieren, selbst Opfer zu werden. In ihrem letzten Buch zeichnet Lee Ann Fujii nach, wie Gewalt zur Schau gestellt wird, analysiert Konsequenzen und zeigt, wie die Täter die Fragilität sozialer Bindungen für ihre eigenen Zwecke nutzen.