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Fascist Europe -- Contents -- Note on Translations -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Emergence of a Concept of Europe -- Chapter 2. The Utopia of a Fascist Europe (1932-35) -- Chapter 3. From the African Dream to an Axis Europe -- Chapter 4. Towards a Nazi-Fascist Order? -- Postface -- Bibliography -- Index.

Profondo senso della giustizia sociale, costante impegno per la salvaguardia dei diritti fondamentali, energica attenzione alle classi subalterne e assidua azione a tutela di donne e fanciulli, individuati come la parte più debole della società italiana del Novecento. Sono le caratteristiche della sfaccettata personalità di Lina Merlin, che esercitò un ruolo cruciale nella rinascita dell'Italia stravolta dalla seconda guerra mondiale. Femminista ante litteram, insegnante appassionata, militante socialista fin dal primo dopoguerra, fu un personaggio scomodo, non ultimo per il rigore e la caparbietà con cui lottò per gli ideali di libertà, eguaglianza e giustizia sociale. Convinta antifascista, non prestò giuramento, perdendo così il lavoro di insegnante e affrontando il confino. Sensibile ai bisogni delle classi subalterne, trasferì tali istanze nelle aule parlamentari, prima alla Costituente e poi, per le tre successive legislature, in Senato e alla Camera. Sebbene attiva su più fronti, dalla tutela della donna e dell'infanzia alla difesa della Costituzione e dei diritti dei lavoratori, fu la sua proposta di legge per l'abolizione delle "case chiuse" a conferirle una notorietà internazionale, tanto che il suo nome è tuttora accostato alla legge del '58, nota appunto come "legge Merlin". Una fama che non rende ragione della ben più complessa dimensione culturale, umana e civile evidenziata in questo libro.

The European Axis policy remains largely unwritten. Little is known about the factors that united or divided the Fascist regime and the Nazi Reich regarding the post-war order. Furthermore, even less is known about the Italian plans for a fascist Europe, which wartime events soon relegated to the margins of Axis policy. This book reconstructs the debate on the new European order developed from the 1930s to the spring of 1943 by Fascist politicians, philosophers, writers, anthropologists, and geographers. The debate progressed alongside the evolution of the international framework and in parallel with the war. The diachronic examination of these projects, where distinctive elements of Fascist ideology were instrumentally entwined with Latin and Catholic tradition, allows us to recover the thread of relations between Italy and Germany and between Italy and the minor allies of the Axis. The very choice of words - Fascist Europe, Axis Europe, Catholic Europe or Europe of Nations - reflects a shift in the balance of power: from collaboration to competition, from fear to an attempt to regain prominence. In 1943, the idea of a Europe of nations with an explicitly anti-German intent was the final, unrealistic assertion toward a new order where Axis Europe was not just Nazi Europe.

Zusammenfassung
Die "Achse" ist noch immer ein Rätsel. Wir wissen wenig darüber, was sie einte, und genauso wenig, was sie trennte. Monica Fioravanzo, eine in Padua lehrende Historikerin, nähert sich diesem Themenkomplex und untersucht die Pläne für ein Neues Europa, die nach 1939 dies- und jenseits der Alpen geschmiedet wurden. Dabei zeigt sich: Das faschistische Italien gab sich ähnlich hybriden Eroberungs- und Raumfantasien hin wie das Deutsche Reich, Mussolinis Regime beanspruchte sogar die geistige Führung eines monströsen eurasisch-afrikanischen Superkontinents – besann sich 1942/43 aber doch eines Besseren: "Europa der Nationen" hieß nun die Losung, deren anti-deutsche Stoßrichtung nicht verborgen blieb.

"Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit den Plänen für ein Neues Europa, die nach 1939 vom faschistischen Regime entwickelt worden sind, und den Veränderungen, denen sie - je nach Lage der Dinge an der Front - unterworfen waren. Am Vorabend des Zweiten Weltkriegs rief Giuseppe Bottai, damals Erziehungsminister, die kulturelle Elite des Landes auf, über die geistigen und kulturellen Grundlagen des Neuen Europa nachzudenken. In diesem Zukunftsgebilde sollte es eine klare Hierarchie zwischen kleineren und größeren Staaten geben, und sollte Teil eines riesigen euro-asiatisch-afrikanischen Raumes sein, der von den imperialistischen Mächten Italien, Japan und dem Deutschen Reich dominiert würde. Über dieses Projekt wurde in Italien viel diskutiert, was auf deutscher Seite für Misstrauen sorgte. Zum Konflikt zwischen den 'Achsen'-Partners kam es 1942, als Italien - trotz verheerender Niederlagen - den Versuch machte, die geistige Führung im künftigen Europa zu behaupten - in klarer Abgrenzung vom NS-Regime, das sich nur auf Gewalt und den Mythos der Rasse stützte, während die Faschisten ihre Überlegenheit mit dem Christentum und der Tradition des alten Rom begründeten. Im Frühjahr 1943 distanzierte sich die faschistische Führung von solchen hybriden Plänen. Nun lancierte man die Idee eines 'Europa der Nationen', wobei klar war, dass damit die Kooperation mit dem Deutschen Reich auf eine harte Probe gestellt wurde. Der Zusammenbruch des Regimes 1943 beendet diese Planspiele: Das Neue Europa würde es nur im Zeichen des Nationalsozialismus geben - oder gar nicht." (Autorenreferat)

"By shedding light on an often-overlooked aspect of Fascism and Nazism, this book examines the ambitious plans for a new European order conceived by Italian intellectuals, historians, geographers, politicians, and even student representative of the Fascist University Groups (GUF). Through expert reconstruction of the debate on this envisaged order's development, Monica Fioravanzo opens a window into the theoretical arena that shaped relationships between German, Italy and the other Axis nations and provides insight into how the project was anticipated to unite the Fascist regime in Italy and the Nazi Reich. In the history of Fascism and Nazism, from 1932 through 1943, there is a largely unwritten chapter on the vast array of projects for a new European order put forward by Italian intellectuals, histories, geographers, politicians, and even student representative of the Fascist University Groups (GUF). Under the Axis' rule, little is known about how much the project would prospectively unite the Fascist regime and the Nazi Reich in the post-war order; and much less is know about Italy's plans. Fascist Europe reconstructs the debate on this envisaged order, a debate that unfolded alongside an evolving international framework surrounded by conflict. The diachronic examination from Monica Fioravanzo allows a window into the theoretical arena that contributed to the development of relationships between German, Italy and the other Axis nations"--

It is one of the great ironies of the history of fascism that, despite their fascination with ultra-nationalism, its adherents understood themselves as members of a transnational political movement. While a true "Fascist International" has never been established, European fascists shared common goals and sentiments as well as similar worldviews. They also drew on each other for support and motivation, even though relations among them were not free from misunderstandings and conflicts. Through a series of fascinating case studies, this expansive collection examines fascism's transnational dimension, from the movements inspired by the early example of Fascist Italy to the international antifascist organizations that emerged in subsequent years