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"Describes the emergency powers held by states at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, discusses how they were implemented, and considers the questions the exercise of such powers raises for democratic governance"--

America is "currently fighting its second Civil War." Partisan politics are "ripping this country apart." The 2016 election "will go down as the most acrimonious presidential campaign of all." Such statements have become standard fare in American politics. In a time marked by gridlock and incivility, it seems the only thing Americans can agree on is this: we're more divided today than we've ever been in our history. In Unstable Majorities Morris P. Fiorina surveys American political history to reveal that, in fact, the American public is not experiencing a period of unprecedented polarization. Bypassing the alarmism that defines contemporary punditry, he cites research and historical context that illuminate the forces that shape voting patterns, political parties, and voter behavior. By placing contemporary events in their proper context, he corrects widespread misconceptions and gives reasons to be optimistic about the future of American electoral politics.

Commentary on contemporary American national politics is almost universally critical. Gridlock reigns: Politics is polarized, government is dysfunctional, and public policy is stalemated. Elected officials barely avoid one cliff only to find themselves on the brink of another. Credit downgrades, debt crises, national bankruptcy, climate catastrophe, and other forms of Armageddon loom. The system is broken.

During every election campaign, political journalists make claims and offer interpretations that political scientists who study public opinion, campaigns, and elections know to be inaccurate. In this article, I discuss a number of misconceptions that frequently appear in media discussions of electoral polarization. Chief among these are the confusion between polarization and party sorting, along with the tendency to attribute any changes in voter behavior to changes in the voters, rather than to changes in the candidates who are running and the nature of their campaigns. Also important is the widespread confusion -- much of it due to incomplete political science research this time -- about independents. A significant part of what journalists get wrong no doubt reflects the unrepresentative political contexts in which they live and work. Adapted from the source document.

On the basis of long-term declines in public regard (ie, trust) for government & politics, voter turnout & other kinds of participation, & civic engagement & social capital, it is contended that key dimensions of traditional democratic theory are out of touch with US democratic reality. Opening up established democratic structures & policies & strengthening political parties are addressed as two means of improving US democracy. In this light, the current state of democracy should be superior to that at midcentury; however, that is not the case, given the aforementioned declines. This theory-reality gap is addressed, scrutinizing problems with party theory & participatory theory & assessing where the underlying assumptions have ceased to properly fit with US democracy on the ground & considering the fallout of displacing material incentives with ideological ones in US politics. Addressing this gap means updating theories of representation & electoral competition as well as pressing forward with what the populist tradition has laid out. Two caveats are offered in conclusion: (1) This is a majoritarian perspective. (2) Problems aside, the present circumstances might be the best thing going. 5 Tables, 7 Figures. J. Zendejas