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IN MANY CASES, INTELLIGENCE ERRORS MAY BE TRACED TO PERFECTLY NORMAL PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCESSES AND TENDENCIES. SOME ERRORS HAVE THEIR ROOTS IN EMOTIONAL NEEDS ("MOTIVATED ERRORS"); OTHERS ARE A FUNCTION OF THE FILTERS, PRISMS, AND SHORTCUTS THAT ARE USED TO HELP MAKE SENSE OF CONFUSING OR AMBIGUOUS INFORMATION ("COGNITIVE ERRORS"). BECAUSE THESE ERRORS ARE IN SOME SENSE A FUNCTION OF HUMAN NATURE, PSYCHOLOGY IMPOSES A "PERFORMANCE LIMIT" ON INTELLIGENCE ASSESSMENT. ORGANIZATIONAL OR PROCEDURAL TINKERING, THEREFORE, CAN ONLY IMPROVE THE QUALITY OF INTELLIGENCE SO FAR. THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS AMPLY DEMONSTRATES THE USEFULNESS OF PSYCHOLOGY FOR UNDERSTANDING CRUCIAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE PROTAGONISTS' PERCEPTIONS AND JUDGMENTS. IT ALSO SUGGESTS THAT WHILE NATIONAL LEADERS ARE PRONE TO BOTH KINDS OF ERRORS, INTELLIGENCE PROFESSIONALS ARE MORE APT TO MAKE COGNITIVE RATHER THAN MOTIVATED ERRORS.

There is a surprising consensus among vegan philosophers that freeganism — eating animal-based foods going to waste — is permissible. Some ethicists even argue that vegans should be freegans. In this paper, we offer a novel challenge to freeganism drawing upon Donaldson and Kymlicka's 'zoopolitical' approach, which supports 'restricted freeganism'. On this position, it's prima facie wrong to eat the corpses of domesticated animals, as they are members of a mixed human-animal community, ruling out many freegan practices. This exploration reveals how the 'political turn' in animal ethics can offer fertile lenses through which to consider ethical puzzles about eating animals.

Argentina has made the headlines of international media not only for its successful return to democratic political rules in December 1983 but also for its renewed slump into economic crisis. The country is no longer able to meet the debt servicing requirements and to repay loans due this year while auspices for rescheduling and extending foreign debt are bleak. As a corollary tovexternal problems, there are high public sector deficits, inflation is accelerating at a galopping pace, and net private investment has turned negative. Up to now, the new democratic government has not lived up to expectations since it did not present a reform package designed to overcome the severe economic problems of the country. Rather, the government has relied on some ad-hoc emergency measures in an attempt to prevent the crisis from turning into catastrophy.

Mexico has sustained unusual rates of real income growth (6.4 % of average annual GDP growth between 19 50 and 1970) by following an economic policy giving first priority to manufacturing industries. Import substitution has been the dominating trade strategy since the late 1940s with only cautious steps to a more export oriented strategy since the mid-1960s. Mexico has not been spared the well known problems of regional and sectoral imbalances, a skewed personal income distribution and unemployment accompanying the industrialization of other developing countries. Beginning with the presidentship of Diaz Ordaz (1966-70) the attenuation of imbalances and inequities is proclaimed as a specific policy goal in plan documents, while employment creation is added to the list in the Echeverrîa administration. Although based on another stratum of the Mexican political economy the stepwise execution of a massive land reform has obvious complementary effects to the industrial policy. The agricultural sector absorbs much of the fast growing labor force which cannot be employed in the more capital-intensive industries under socially acceptable conditions. The land reform allows for a minimum wage and a working conditions policy in urban regions without increasing the urban unemployment to a level where it would disrupt the political system. Land reform and minimum wages help to keep political stability despite the social strains created by rapid industrialization as well as population growth.