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Chapter 1 – Regimes of mobility in times of accelerated crisis, Leandros Fischer -- Chapter 2 – Deportable mobilities: The many lives of the European deportation regime, Martin Bak Jørgensen -- Chapter 3 – Rethinking mobility regimes at the local scale: Possibilities and limitations, Martin Bak Jørgensen & Leandros Fischer -- Chapter 4 – Dubai and Cyprus as geographies of social mobility between Europe and the Middle East, Jaafar Alloul & Leandros Fischer -- Chapter 5 – Between solidarity and de-solidarisation: COVID-19 as a crisis of mobility, Leandros Fischer -- Chapter 6 – Essential workers without essential rights: COVID-19, migrant workers, and trade unions, Mark Bergfeld & Martin Bak Jørgensen -- Chapter 7 – New crises, new mobilities, and the promise of solidarity, Leandros Fischer.

Intro -- Inhalt -- Abbildungen -- Tabellen -- 1 Einleitung -- 1.1 Bisherige Forschung -- 1.2 Fragestellung und Aufbau der Arbeit -- 2 Theoretische Grundlagen -- 2.1 Diskurs- oder Policy-Analyse? -- 2.1.1 Das Feld -- 2.1.2 Der Habitus -- 2.1.3 Die Interaktion von Habitus und Feld -- 2.2 Das parlamentarische Feld -- 2.2.1 Parteien als "korporative Akteure" -- 2.2.2 Struktur, Handlung, Ideologie -- 2.2.3 Welche Institutionen? -- 2.2.4 Dominante Koalitionen und Programmatik -- 2.2.5 Fragmentierung und parteiinterne Opposition -- 2.2.6 Die Austragung von Konflikten in Parteien -- 2.3 Das Bewegungsfeld -- 2.3.1 Zwei Definitionen sozialer Bewegungen -- 2.3.2 Politische Gelegenheitsstrukturen -- 2.3.3 Die internationale Dimension sozialer Bewegungen -- 2.4 Das ideologische Feld -- 2.4.1 Die Ursprünge des Begriffes "links" -- 2.4.2 Der Begriff "links" in Deutschland heute -- 2.4.3 Zum Begriff "links" im Kontext des Nahen und Mittleren Ostens -- 2.4.4 Antisemitismus und Antizionismus -- 2.4.5 Antimuslimischer Rassismus und Orientalismus -- 3 Die Ursprünge des Nahostkonfliktes -- 3.1 Der Zionismus und der Weg zur Staatsgründung Israels -- 3.1.1 Der unvermeidliche Konflikt -- 3.1.2 Der UNO-Teilungsplan -- 3.1.3 Die Nakba und die palästinensische Flüchtlingsfrage -- 3.2 Drei Facetten des Zionismus -- 3.2.1 Der Zionismus als eine Reaktion auf den Antisemitismus -- 3.2.2 Der Zionismus als eine besondere Form des Siedlerkolonialismus -- 3.2.3 Der Linkszionismus als Faktor der linken Nahostrezeption -- 4 Gesellschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen: Antisemitismus und antimuslimischer Rassismus -- 4.1 Der Antisemitismus als gesellschaftliches Problem und politische Ideologie -- 4.1.1 Antisemitismus in Deutschland nach 1945 -- 4.1.2 Sekundärer Antisemitismus -- 4.1.3 Antisemitismus und Nahostkonflikt -- 4.1.4 Antisemitismus und Nahostkonflikt innerhalb muslimischer Milieus.

Abstract
Divided by ethnic conflict, plagued by an economic crisis, and enforcing restrictive bordering practices at the edge of Europe, the Republic of Cyprus hardly constitutes an obvious choice for Nigerians fleeing conditions of state breakdown, crisis, and social immobility. The perceived 'unusualness' of this migration has made Nigerian and other African refugees particularly vulnerable to human rights abuses, violent nativist discourse, and racialised hyper-exploitation in the labour market. Yet despite these difficulties, some Nigerians strive to build a life on the island, with modest success. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article attempts to unravel the prevailing methodological nationalism, upon which notions of the 'unusualness' of African migration to the island are premised, in two ways. In contrast to notions of being itself a former colony, 'too small' to accommodate refugees, I show that colonial-era emigration to Africa has engendered anti-black racism in Cyprus, which has only been strengthened by EU membership and economic crisis. By focusing, on the other hand, on the city of Limassol as an ambivalent landscape of crisis and opportunity, I demonstrate how the urban rather than the national dimension can put notions of 'unusualness' into perspective. Within a global condition of crisis and social immobility, Nigerian refugees emplace themselves within the opportunities that Limassol, as a nodal point of social relations along multiple scales—national, regional, European, and global—has to offer. While this fact in itself does not improve their position vis-à-vis a restrictive asylum policy framework, it nonetheless renders them a constituent part of the city.

Germany's complex relationship to the issue of Palestine is often explained in terms of the country's past and its consequent affinity for Israel as the perceived homeland of Holocaust survivors. German policy decisions in the last two decades, including the sale of nuclear-capable submarines to Israel, seem to confirm this view. That notwithstanding, argues this article, Germany's Middle East policy and popular German perceptions of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis must be placed in a more contemporary historical context of evolving political priorities. The article contends that the current political class' zealous identification with Israel is a qualitatively new phenomenon in Germany largely unrelated to moral considerations pertaining to the Nazi era. In addition to examining how this identification plays out more broadly in society, the article also attempts to locate possible fissures that could give rise to changes in official policy.