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The most striking realization for a person who moves from the U . S . to Canada is that, contrary to common perception, there is a whole country north of the 49th parallel. The faint image of Canada one gathers from the American media is generally that of a vast and sparsely populated expanse of frozen tundra, with settlements built around large skating rinks, where the four seasons are winter, winter, winter, and July. Sure, Americans know of Vancouver and Toronto; but aren't these really American towns that happen to lie at the other end of a bay, on the other side of a lake? Americans also know of NAFTA, the free-trade agreement with Canada arid Mexico; but wasn't Canada admitted into the partnership so that empty land would be available, further north, for the hordes of Mexicans who are invading from the south? The dim impression that there is nothing of real significance in the big pink area on the map between the U.S. and the North Pole is not really fortuitous. The rhetoric of national difference aside, many Canadians seem to do all they can to resemble their southern neighbors and blend into their mental and physical landscape. U.S. companies, of course, are only too happy to lend the strong, extremely visible hand of the market to this process of Americanization.

The year 1991 certainly has been fertile in extraordinary events. The war in the Persian Gulf and the failed coup d'etat in the Soviet Union will receive ample space in history textbooks. The same probably holds for the confirmation of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court of the United States and the after-shocks of his confirmation hearings. Yet in the short term, perhaps another development is of greater significance to planners and planning academics. This year has also been the year of "political correctness." With the "PC" debate, what came to the fore are not only academic problems but also, and more importantly, problems of collective identity and of the distribution of power in a multicultural society. All of these events, international and national, are linked by more than a common position in the calendar. In each of them-the breakdown of the Soviet empire, the Gulf War, and the debate over "political correct­ ness"-one specific issue deserves further attention here. That issue is: critique vs. orthodoxy.

French Modern is one of these books that one should read twice: the first time, in order to enjoy the author's storytelling; the second time, to learn from his skillful analysis. The story, in this case, is that of the gene­ sis of French urbanisme. It is the story of "technicians of general ideas": social reformers and statisticians, military men and politicians, architects and social scientists whose work lies in "the middle ground between high culture or science and ordinary life" (p. 9). Rabinow tells us about their efforts to fashion new fields of knowledge and technologies of social control, as well as new urban forms and social spaces. Through this story, Rabinow analyzes the specific forms of rationality that these men embodied and articulated, forms of rationality that made possible a new mode of social regulation: modern city planning. While the book is about French planning, it has lessons for American planning practi­ tioners, historians, and theorists, who may find that the field of planning evolved in similar ways on both sides of the Atlantic. Both French and American planning share an early emphasis on hygiene and both gradu­ ally came to rely on universal standards in order to analyze and regu­ late the city and its population.

Front Matter -- Half Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Illustration -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part One: Urban Design, Planning, and Architecture -- From Desert Architecture to Community Planning in Acre -- Directing Urban Design and Planning in Tel Aviv -- Part Two: Use Plans: Controversies Big and Small -- Planning and Building from Israel's Early Days to the Present -- Hearing Objections under Israel's Planning and Building Law -- Part Three: Community Development and Planning -- Community Organizing and Neighborhood Planning in Jerusalem -- Neighborhood Planning in Jerusalem -- Program Building and Reconciliation in East Jerusalem -- Part Four: Making City Planning Work -- Learning and Practicing the Politics of Planning -- Urban Design in the Shadows of Politics -- Planning in an Arab Municipality -- Part Five: Health Planning -- HIV/AIDS Planning and Education in the Ethiopian Immigrant Community -- Public Health, Epidemiology, and Planning in the west Bank and Gaza -- Part Six: Policy Analysis and Planning -- The Development of Environmental Planning in Israel -- Planning in the Housing Ministry -- Economic Analysis in Urban Planning -- Part Seven: National, Regional and Urban Planning: The Long View from the Top -- A Visionary Planner -- Directing the Division of National and Regional Plans -- Being Director of Planning in the Ministry of Housing and Building -- Back Matter -- Conclusion -- References -- Index -- Back Cover.

Durant le deuxième quart du XX e siècle, la gestion idéale de la tuberculose exigeait l'immobilisation du malade pendant un an ou plus. En même temps, les villes nordaméricaines vivaient des changements majeurs axés sur une augmentation importante de la mobilité personnelle. Dans un ensemble de 300 cas d'étude montréalais, les auteurs observent les pressions contradictoires exercées sur les tuberculeux, ainsi que la résistance qu'ils pouvaient leur opposer et les manœuvres que leurs familles pouvaient faire pour défendre une mobilité nécessaire à leur survie. Les demandes des médecins en matière d'isolement et d'immobilisation se butaient à un manque de ressources, produisant un gouffre entre les idéaux de la santé publique moderne et la réalité urbaine.