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This article considers the military doctrine currently available to the African Standby Force (ASF) for peace operations (PO) on the African continent. In the absence of an updated and relevant doctrine for PO, risks are posed to the harmonization and coordination of multinational missions, as well as to the successful achievement of mission objectives. Despite laudable efforts by both the United Nations (UN) and bilateral donor nations to support the preparatory and continuation training of ASF troops, differences in the national and multinational experiences of this work and the differences in the legal basis of this doctrine do not provide an optimal 'stop gap' measure. The pressing new requirement for African peace missions to deter terrorist and insurgent anti-peace factions exposes the limitations of UN doctrine, which preserves traditional peacekeeping principles of consent, impartiality and minimum use of force. UN peace enforcement mandates, and guidance derived from NATO's non-African experiences do not provide adequate guidance for ASF troops preparing to enter these operating environments. A cursory study of the impact of the absence of common doctrine supporting the multinational African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) indicates that different doctrinal approaches impact negatively on AMISOM's ability to achieve its objectives.

"The coming together of security and development forces has introduced new approaches supporting both the analysis and implementation of these programmes. Empirical evidence supported by the World Bank commissioned study 'Voices of the Poor' confirms that the two disciplines are both mutually dependent and mutually reinforcing. Broader conclusions have suggested that bilateral and multilateral institutions are responding to this research agenda by undergoing reforms that create a better enabling environment supporting the 'security-development' nexus. So too, has the greater donor community been encouraged to adopt policy, tools and a range of other outputs produced from this debate. Such activities have helped encourage more widespread thinking on these issues and have allowed for an international consensus amongst key implementing agents. Policy tools supporting 'joined-up thinking' on security and development include security sector reform (SSR), small arms and light weapons (SALW) and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR), are also undergoing parallel development. This article applauds such initiatives, but cautions the reader on the extent to which incomplete 'joined-upness' may actually impair the implementation of these policies and strategies. The article reflects on the recent experiences of the Dutch, Canadian, UK and US governments. It unpacks areas for concern which are common to all donors, including the degree to which individual countries remain committed to Official Development Assistance (ODA) guidelines; the careful balance that must be struck between the more enhanced participation of international development agencies in defence and security-related fora, with the necessity to, at times, distance themselves and retreat to a position of independent status; the degree to which development constituencies are permitted to develop as a cabinet level function in donor countries and decisions required to disperse funds from a 'joined-up' pool of resources." (author's abstract)

This paper addresses the spectrum of actors & activities involved in issues of security sector reform (SSR) with reference to its implications for US, British, & other allied force planning, especially in post-conflict Iraq. It is contended that successful transformation of a country's defense sector requires equal transformation of its police & judicial systems. In the case of Iraq, obviously it would be necessary to rebuild all the systems that were part of Saddam Hussein's regime. This rebuilding has always been a part of what is called "post-conflict development" or "post-conflict reconstruction," which also includes the reorganization of other government ministries as well as administrative & service agencies. How this has been in achieved in other post-conflict countries is examined, & specific recommendations that could enhance the military's contribution to SRR are outlined. J. Stanton

This paper discusses the challenges of operating in the context of different cultural backgrounds for multinational military interventions promoting sustainable peace-building measures. Achieving sustainability requires gaining the full cooperation of the local population -- a difficult task. Offering security guarantees is a common means of garnering support, but cultural differences not only between the local population & the multination forces, but also within the later, make it difficult to build sufficient confidence in the security measures at the grassroots level of the society. Forging relationships in what are described as "third generational conflict theaters" demands understanding the importance of local dynamics. The analysis is based on research covering multinational interventions in Haiti (1994-1996), Bosnia (1996 & 1998-1999), Somalia (1997), & Northern Ireland (1999), the methodologies of which are described. All four cases illustrate the necessity of interoperability for successful outcomes. The conclusion focuses on this necessity & emphasizes the need for Canada to increase its training in this strategy. References. J. Stanton

AbstractEuropean power in the 21st century is not what it was in the 20th century. The rules‐based liberal international order that Europe helped to construct after the Second World War is under threat, and arguably in decline. As this 'order' diminishes, so too does Europe's ability to influence world events. While Europe will never command either the military or economic hard and 'sharp' power of the United States or China, it remains an important international actor with considerable soft power, even with the United Kingdom's recent departure from the union. Although we question some of the assumptions and priorities identified by the authors of 'Enhancing Europe's Global Power', we share their view that a united and strong Europe has a great deal to offer to the world, particularly in the areas of data governance and tertiary education.