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Scholarship on nationalism and the state has examined how immigration and nationality policy create boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. While a handful of countries of immigration have been analysed extensively, explanations of nationality law have not accounted adequately for countries of emigration. This paper's historical analysis of Mexican nationality law and its congressional debate demonstrates that the ways the state has defined nationality at different periods cannot be attributed simply to demographic migration patterns or legacies of past understandings of ethnic or state-territorial nationhood, according to the expectations of received theory. The literature's focus on geopolitically stronger countries of immigration obscures the critical effects of inter-state politics on nationality law in subordinate states. Mexico's nationality laws reflect its experiences as a geopolitically weak country of immigration, despite a net out-migration of its population.

The controversial notion of "transnationalism" has generated new insights into international migrants' on-going ties with their communities of origin, but its problematic conceptualization and vague usage in empirical studies needlessly inhibit the transnational perspective's utility. Understanding the political and economic incorporation of migrants in both their communities of origin and destination is facilitated by disaggregating the types of political borders, types of nationalism, and levels of identification that have been conflated in the framework of "transnationalism". I demonstrate the analytic value of these distinctions by using them to interpret evidence from a six-month ethnographic case study of an immigrant labour union in Southern California. A theoretically coherent typology applicable to both the case study and other migration settings provides a framework for explaining how institutions assimilate migrants into U.S. and local politics while simultaneously promoting cross-border ties.

This is the final version. Available on open access from SAGE Publications via the DOI in this record ; What is the relationship between Brexit and biomedicine? Here we investigate the Vote Leave official campaign slogan 'We send the EU £350 million a week. Let's fund our NHS instead' in order to shed new light on the nationalist stakes of Brexit. We argue that the Brexit referendum campaign must be situated within biomedical policy and practice in Britain. We propose a re-thinking of Brexit through a cultural politics of heredity to capture how biomedicine is structured around genetic understandings of ancestry and health, along with the forms of racial inheritance that structure the state and its welfare system. We explore this in three domains: the NHS and health tourism, data sharing policies between the NHS and the Home Office, and the NHS as an imperially resourced public service. Looking beyond the Brexit referendum campaign, we argue for renewed sociological attention to the relationships between racism, biology, health and inheritance in British society. ; Wellcome Trust ; Leverhulme Trust

What is the relationship between Brexit and biomedicine? Here we investigate the Vote Leave official campaign slogan 'We send the EU £350 million a week. Let's fund our NHS instead' in order to shed new light on the nationalist stakes of Brexit. We argue that the Brexit referendum campaign must be situated within biomedical policy and practice in Britain. We propose a re-thinking of Brexit through a cultural politics of heredity to capture how biomedicine is structured around genetic understandings of ancestry and health, along with the forms of racial inheritance that structure the state and its welfare system. We explore this in three domains: the NHS and health tourism, data sharing policies between the NHS and the Home Office, and the NHS as an imperially resourced public service. Looking beyond the Brexit referendum campaign, we argue for renewed sociological attention to the relationships between racism, biology, health and inheritance in British society.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Routledge via the DOI in this record ; This commentary reflects on what has been learnt from government and public health responses to COVID-19, suggesting a tension between 'business as usual' forms of public health in the face of crisis, and the possibilities for a step-change towards a 'healthy publics' approach. We set out a range of ways that diverse, multiple publics have been implicated or brought into being during the COVID-19 pandemic, and we argue that these have generally been ignored or erased by agents or agencies of public health, keen to preserve certainty in their messaging and public confidence in their authority. We conclude with five principles for re-organising pandemic responses around a richer, more context-dependent and diverse account of 'the public'.

Sputum smear microscopy is the main and often only laboratory technique used for the diagnosis of tuberculosis in resource-poor countries, making quality assurance (QA) of smear microscopy an important activity. We evaluated the effects of a 5-day refresher training course for laboratory technicians and the distribution of new microscopes on the quality of smear microscopy in 13 primary health care laboratories in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo. The 2002 external QA guidelines for acid-fast bacillus smear microscopy were implemented, and blinded rechecking of the slides was performed before and 9 months after the training course and microscope distribution. We observed that the on-site checklist was highly time-consuming but could be tailored to capture frequent problems. Random blinded rechecking by the lot QA system method decreased the number of slides to be reviewed. Most laboratories needed further investigation for possible unacceptable performance, even according to the least-stringent interpretation. We conclude that the 2002 external QA guidelines are feasible for implementation in resource-poor settings, that the efficiency of external QA can be increased by selecting sample size parameters and interpretation criteria that take into account the local working conditions, and that greater attention should be paid to the provision of timely feedback and correction of the causes of substandard performance at poorly performing laboratories.

The world's most biodiverse river basins—the Amazon, Congo, and Mekong—are experiencing an unprecedented boom in construction of hydropower dams. These projects address important energy needs, but advocates often overestimate economic benefits and underestimate far-reaching effects on biodiversity and critically important fisheries. Powerful new analytical tools and high-resolution environmental data can clarify trade-offs between engineering and environmental goals and can enable governments and funding institutions to compare alternative sites for dam building. Current site-specific assessment protocols largely ignore cumulative impacts on hydrology and ecosystem services as ever more dams are constructed within a watershed (1). To achieve true sustainability, assessments of new projects must go beyond local impacts by accounting for synergies with existing dams, as well as land cover changes and likely climatic shifts (2, 3). We call for more sophisticated and holistic hydropower planning, including validation of technologies intended to mitigate environmental impacts. Should anything less be required when tampering with the world's great river ecosystems?