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This article reviews Census record file releases (1981, 1986, 1991) and surveys the extensive literature based on these data sets.

AbstractThe sharp increase in unemployment in the 1990s has focused attention once again on the causes, extent and effects of high and long‐term unemployment. This article presents a methodology for estimating the cost, in income terms, that individuals and their families bear as a result of becoming unemployed. Estimates of the cost of job loss are developed for Australia for the period 1973 to 1992. Two methods of estimating the cost of job loss are presented in this article. The first method is the conditional cost of job loss which refers to the loss in income an employed person would incur over a given period of time if they became unemployed. In Australia, the conditional cost of job loss rose sharply in the mid 1980s and again in the early 1990s because of a marked increase in the average duration of unemployment which more than offset a slight increase in the net replacement ratio (that is, the ratio of unemployment income to wage income). The second cost of job loss measure we estimate is the expected cost of job loss. This measure refers to the difference between the expected income stream of workers and the income stream associated with continued certain employment. We interpret the expected cost of job loss as an indicator of the bargaining strength of workers.

Homelessness programs may improve the health, well‐being, financial security, labour market and housing outcomes of clients. This, in turn, may result in decreased utilisation of health and justice services, reduced child residential care costs, lower housing management costs, lower income support payments and higher revenue from increased income tax payments. When costed, such impacts represent whole‐of‐government savings or cost offsets to the provision of homelessness programs. This paper provides indicative estimates of the value of potential savings or cost offsets in two areas, namely, the health and justice fields from homelessness program interventions. Our key finding is that homelessness programs have the potential to save over twice the value of the capital and recurrent funding of homelessness programs on the basis of health and justice cost offsets alone.

This article examines the relationship between mental health and wellbeing and unemployment utilising the 1995 National Health Survey (1995 NHS) and the 1997 National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing of Adults (1997 SMHWB) data sets. Three indicators of mental health and wellbeing are adopted. The first is a psychological wellbeing measure derived from responses to questions included in the 1995 NHS on time felt down, happy, peaceful, and nervous (the SF‐36 mental health scale). The second indicator relates to diagnoses of mental disorders including substance use disorders, affective disorders and anxiety disorders. Our final indicator relates to suicidal thoughts and plans and (unsuccessful) suicide attempts. On the basis of these measures, unemployed persons exhibit poorer mental health and wellbeing outcomes than the full‐time employed.

AbstractDisruptions caused by COVID‐19 have the potential to create long‐term negative impacts on children's well‐being and development, especially among socioeconomically disadvantaged children. However, we know little about how socioeconomically disadvantaged families are coping with the pandemic, nor the types of support needed. This study presents qualitative analysis of responses to an open‐ended question asking parents how children are coping with the restrictions associated with COVID‐19, to identify areas in which these cohorts can be supported. Four main themes were identified: health concerns, schooling difficulties, social isolation and adjustment to restrictions. Health concerns included exacerbation of pre‐existing health conditions, fear about the virus, difficulty getting children to understand the pandemic and increased sedentary behaviour. Schooling difficulties referred to the challenges of home schooling, which were behavioural (e.g. difficulty concentrating) and logistical (e.g. technology). Social isolation, expressed as missing friends, family and/or institutions was common. Finally, parents expressed that children experienced both positive adjustments to restrictions, such as spending more time with family, and negative adjustments such as increased screen time. Many responses from parents touched on topics across multiple themes, indicating a need for comprehensive, holistic assessment of children's and families' needs in the provision of support services. The content of the themes supports calls for resources to support children and families including increased financial and practical accessibility of social services, physical health and exercise support, mental health support and COVID‐19 communication guides.