Suchergebnisse

After a century and a half full of swings and hesitations, in which as a consequence of the limited rooting of the constitutional feeling and the lack of normative value of the constitutions the study of constitutionalism suffered in Spain of lack of object and of method, turning itself into a an encyclopedic discipline of magmatic consistency and imprecise limits, the adoption in 1978 of the current Spanish Constitution and the separation between Political Science and Constitutional Law imposed from 1981 onwards made it possible for the latter to have its object and its method precisely outlined, advancing by leaps and bounds to occupy the place it merits in a social and democratic rule of Law state -and above all, the place that such systems demands from it- and giving rise to a scientific community which in such period of time has grown, has renovated, and has buried many old clichés in the process. After carrying out a hasty characterization of the evolution of Spanish constitutional law since the times of the Cadiz Constitution and some more precise reflections on its state at the time of the beginning of the Spanish democratic transition, the present study will analyze the main dogmatic concerns and lines of research of Spanish Constitutional Law in the last forty years, differentiating those of the times of the implementation of the new constitutional system from those arising in the wake of its current crisis. ; Fil: Flores Juberías, Carlos. Universidad de Valencia. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho Constitucional. Valencia, España ; Tras un siglo y medio de vaivenes y titubeos, en los que como consecuencia del escaso arraigo del sentimiento constitucional y la falta de valor normativo de las constituciones el estudio del constitucionalismo adoleció en España de falta de objeto y de método, hasta acabar convertido en una disciplina enciclopédica de consistencia magmática y límites imprecisos, la aprobación en 1978 de la actual Constitución española y el deslinde entre la Ciencia Política y el Derecho Constitucional impuesto a partir de 1981 hicieron posible que en las últimas cuatro décadas este haya perfilado de manera nítida su objeto y su método, avanzando a pasos agigantados hasta ocupar el lugar que merita en un Estado social y democrático de Derecho -y, sobre todo, el que este requiere de aquel- y dando lugar a una comunidad científica que en ese período de tiempo ha crecido, se ha renovado y ha enterrado en el proceso muchos viejos clichés. Tras llevar a cabo una apresurada caracterización de la evolución del Derecho Constitucional español desde los tiempos de Cádiz y unas reflexiones algo más precisas sobre su estado en el momento de inicio de la transición democrática española, el presente estudio analizará las principales preocupaciones dogmáticas y líneas de investigación del Derecho Constitucional español en los últimos cuarenta años, diferenciando las propias de los tiempos de la puesta en marcha del nuevo sistema constitucional de las surgidas al hilo de su actual crisis.

En un momento político caracterizado por la innegable radicalización de los partidos nacionalistas que desde 2010 gobiernan Cataluña, concretada en la reiterada manifestación de su intención de separarse de España —bien de manera negociada, bien mediante una declaración unilateral de independencia—, y por la insoslayable existencia de una corriente de opinión numéricamente importante y socialmente muy influyente favorable a esa separación, el objetivo de este trabajo es el de levantar acta de los sucesivos proyectos o borradores de constitución para una futura Cataluña independiente surgidos en los últimos meses a la sombra de este así llamado «proceso», para a continuación tratar de desbrozar su contenido, advertir de sus carencias, poner de relieve los aspectos más relevantes —y también más controvertidos— de su articulado, y valorar sus posibilidades reales de llegar a convertirse alguna vez en norma jurídica, y —en última instancia— tratar de hallar algunos rasgos comunes a todos ellos que permitan entender mejor los objetivos últimos del secesionismo catalán en lo tocante a la configuración constitucional del Estado que aspira a conformarIn a political situation characterized by the undeniable radicalization of the nationalist parties that have been governing Catalonia since 2010, as expressed by the repeated demonstration of their intention to secede from Spain —either through negotiation or by a unilateral declaration of independence—, and by the inescapable existence of a numerically important and socially influential public opinion in favor of the separation, the objective of this essay is, firstly, to record the successive draft constitutions for a future independent Catalonia that have been made public in recent months in the middle of this so-called "process"; then to clarify and sistematize their contents, noting its shortcomings, and highlighting the most relevant aspects —and also the more controversial ones— of their provisions; to assess their real chances of ever becoming standard legal norms; and —ultimately— to find some common features to all of them in order to better understand the ultimate objectives of Catalan separatism as regards the constitutional configuration of the State that it aspires to conform.

Abstract: To attend a parliamentary sitting wearing clothes featuring a clearly readable political message, is a kind of manifestation of the freedom of speech, or an unacceptable interference in the development of the parliamentary debates, likely to alter the order in the house? Is it acceptable for a Member of Parliament to express his or her opinion within the hemicycle wearing pins o stickers, showing flyers or deploying banners? The reiteration of these behavior, increasingly common in our parliamentary life, has been demanding from Parliamentary Law an answer that is at the same time consistent with the principles of a democratic State, compatible with the fluid operation of one of its most important institutions, and suitable of being applied in a consistent manner in our different legislatures. In this article we propose for the first time, and on the basis of an analysis of several recent cases, this possible solution. ; Resumen:¿Asistir a una sesión parlamentaria luciendo sobre la ropa un mensaje político claramente legible, es una manifestación de la libertad de expresión, o una interferencia inaceptable en el desarrollo de los debates parlamentarios, susceptible de alterar el orden en la cámara? ¿Debe permitirse que un miembro del Parlamento exprese su opinión en el hemiciclo luciendo pegatinas o adhesivos, mostrando octavillas, o desplegando pancartas?La reiteración de estos comportamientos, cada vez más habituales en nuestra vida parlamentaria, viene desde hace tiempo exigiendo del Derecho Parlamentario una respuesta que sea al mismo tiempo acorde con los principios de un Estado democrático, compatible con el fluido funcionamiento de una de sus más importantes instituciones, y susceptible de ser aplicada de manera coherente en nuestros diferentes legislativos. En el presente artículo se aventura por primera vez, y a partir del análisis de varios casos recientes, esta posible solución.Abstract:To attend a parliamentary sitting wearing clothes featuring a clearly readable political message, is a kind of manifestation of the freedom of speech, or an unacceptable interference in the development of the parliamentary debates, likely to alter the order in the house? Is it acceptable for a Member of Parliament to express his or her opinion within the hemicycle wearing pins o stickers, showing flyers or deploying banners?The reiteration of these behavior, increasingly common in our parliamentary life, has been demanding from Parliamentary Law an answer that is at the same time consistent with the principles of a democratic State, compatible with the fluid operation of one of its most important institutions, and suitable of being applied in a consistent manner in our different legislatures. In this article we propose for the first time, and on the basis of an analysis of several recent cases, this possible solution.

SUMARIO: Parlamentarismo vs. Presidencialismo: los elementos configuradores de dos modelos clásicos.-La disyuntiva parlamentarismo vs. presidencialismo como objeto de polémica doctrinal.-La disyuntiva Parlamentarismo vs. Presidencialismo y su reflejo en las nuevas constituciones de la europa oriental.-Bulgaria.-Checoslovaquia y las nuevas Repúblicas Checa y Eslovaca-Hungría-Polonia-Rumania-Conclusiones provisionales.

Major provisions of Rumania's 1991 Constitution.

AbstractDespite the fact that the Spanish Constitution does not contain any provisions regarding what we colloquially know as term limits, nor has Parliament deemed it appropriate to introduce such restrictions in our legal system, the fact is that for some years now the issue has being gaining relevance in the Spanish political debate, having already been regulated in several autonomous communities, being discussed in others, and appearing as part of the political agreement on which the current Government of the nation is based. In this paper we will begin by reviewing the state of the question in Spain, as well as the numerous constitutional amendments introduced in this respect in several Latin American countries —the traditional framework of this practice— during the last two decades; only to follow with the discussion of the convenience and the constitutionality of the introduction of term limits in Spain, in its twofold dimension: in relation to the members of the legislature and to the head of theexecutive branch. More specifically, we will pay close look to the suitability of the institute to eradicate corruption and ensure the renewal of political elites, to its adequacy to the declared parliamentary nature of our system, and to its compatibility with the rights enshrined in our Basic Law. ; Resumen: Pese a que la Constitución española no contiene previsión alguna respecto a lo que coloquialmente conocemos ya como la limitación de mandatos, y a que tampoco hasta hoy ha considerado oportuno el legislador introducir en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico estatal este tipo de restricciones, lo cierto es que de un tiempo a esta parte la cuestión ha ido ganando gradualmente relevancia en el debate político, habiendo sido regulada ya en varias comunidades autónomas, siendo objeto de debate en otras, y figurando como parte del acuerdo político de investidura sobre el que se sustenta el actual Gobierno de la nación. En este trabajo empezaremos pasando revista al estado de la cuestión en España, así como a los numerosos cambios constitucionales que a lo largo de las dos últimas décadas se han verificado a este respecto en los países latinoamericanos, marco tradicional de esta práctica; para acto seguido debatir en torno a la conveniencia y a la constitucionalidad de la introducción en España de la limitación de mandatos, en su doble dimensión: respecto de los miembros del legislativo, y respecto del responsable máximo del poder ejecutivo. En esta línea analizaremos con especial detalle la idoneidad del instituto para erradicar la corrupción y asegurar la renovación de las elites políticas, la adecuación del mismo a los perfiles netamente parlamentarios de nuestro sistema, y su compatibilidad con los derechos consagrados en nuestra Carta Magna.Summary:1. Some considerations on the topicality of the debate in Spain. 2. The changing reception of the limitation of mandates in comparative constitutionalism. 3. Would be useful introduce the limitation of mandates in Spain? 4. Would be constitutional introduce the limitation of mandates in Spain? 5. Conclusions.AbstractDespite the fact that the Spanish Constitution does not contain any provisions regarding what we colloquially know as term limits, nor has Parliament deemed it appropriate to introduce such restrictions in our legal system, the fact is that for some years now the issue has being gaining relevance in the Spanish political debate, having already been regulated in several autonomous communities, being discussed in others, and appearing as part of the political agreement on which the current Government of the nation is based. In this paper we will begin by reviewing the state of the question in Spain, as well as the numerous constitutional amendments introduced in this respect in several Latin American countries —the traditional framework of this practice— during the last two decades; only to follow with the discussion of the convenience and the constitutionality of the introduction of term limits in Spain, in its twofold dimension: in relation to the members of the legislature and to the head of theexecutive branch. More specifically, we will pay close look to the suitability of the institute to eradicate corruption and ensure the renewal of political elites, to its adequacy to the declared parliamentary nature of our system, and to its compatibility with the rights enshrined in our Basic Law.