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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Origional Title -- Origional Copyright -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- PART ONE: INTRODUCTION -- FOREWORD Are Women a Special Problem? -- I. THE SPECIAL PROBLEM OF WOMEN'S PROMOTION TO TOP JOBS -- Why do women hold so few of the highest posts? -- Is women's progress towards an equal share in higher professional and managerial work generally levelling off? -- The blocked road to the top - a by-product of the general conditions of women's employment? -- Jobs at the top: the case for a special study -- The P.E.P. enquiry -- The research team's orientations: values and assumptions underlying the project -- (a) The development of social theory -- (b) Commitment to a cause -- (c) Multiple answers, not a new stereotype -- (d) A problem of men and women, not of women alone -- (e) Varied but not permissive -- Outline of the Report -- PART TWO: AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF EXPERIENCE -- II. THE EXPERIENCE OF EASTERN EUROPE -- Types of assistance extended to women in employment -- How successful have these measures been? -- What is the explanation? -- (a) Overload -- (b) Changing norms for child rearing and general relationships in the family -- (c) Reconciling family and work roles -- (d) Feminine identity -- Conclusion -- III. THE EXPERIENCE OF WESTERN COUNTRIES-IDEOLOGIES AND TRENDS -- General resemblances and differences between Eastern Europe and the West -- The ideological debate -- (a) Role segregation, with a strong preference for the housewife at home -- (b) Housekeeping as primary for wives, a job as complementary -- (c) Alternating home and work roles: the three-phase model -- (d) The continuous career pattern, with minimum interruption for maternity -- (e) Multiple patterns on a base of equal opportunity -- The actual course of development in the West

To understand social processes in history or today, how far is it useful to think in terms of phases, cycles, or curves of learning or growth? Professional historians have been distinctly cool in answering: "The individual emerges as being more highly conditioned by history than prima facie we had imagined"; there are group forces at work, and the study of these forces can tell us something of what individuals are and are not likely to do. So much can be admitted. But to trace a pattern in the longer processes and wider sweep of events is another matter, and a much more doubtful one.

"So then," to quote the unforgettable Stephen Leacock, translating from the Greek, "the mighty hero Ajax leapt (better: was propelled from behind) into the fight." Here is the paradox of British attitudes toward European unity. On the one hand, Britain has been a member or close associate of nearly all the European institutions so far brought into being. The first important moves in the defense of Europe after the Second World War were the Dunkirk Treaty (1947) between Britain and France, and the Brussels Treaty (1948) between these two countries and Benelux. A few years later the European Defense Community was being discussed, and Britain promised what amounted to little less than membership of it. When E.D.C. collapsed and Western European Union took its place, Britain joined W.E.U. and undertook to keep on the mainland of Europe its main ground force and tactical air force. These forces are not to be withdrawn from the mainland against the wishes of a majority of the W.E.U. powers.