Farming in the ruins of the twentieth century -- A short, unhappy history of business advice for farmers -- Subsistence first! -- Land for the tiller -- Soil, civilization, and resilient farmers through the centuries -- Resourceful farmers -- Woodlands and wastes -- It takes a village: leisure, community, and resilience -- Getting a living, forging a livelihood -- Farmer, citizen, survivor: politics and resilience
Intro -- Praise for Farming for the Long Haul -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- 1. Farming in the Ruins of the Twentieth Century -- 2. A Short, Unhappy History of Business Advice for Farmers -- 3. Subsistence First! -- 4. Land for the Tiller -- 5. Soil, Civilization, and Resilient Farmers Through the Centuries -- 6. Resourceful Farmers -- 7. Woodlands and Wastes -- 8. It Takes a Village: Leisure, Community, and Resilience -- 9. Getting a Living, Forging a Livelihood -- 10. Farmer, Citizen, Survivor: Politics and Resilience -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- About the Author
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The armed conflict that wracked El Salvador from 1980 to the signing of the Peace Accords in January 1992 began and ended in a still unresolved struggle over civil society: over what expression civil society would be allowed to take, over its influence in public debate, over who would control it, and how. If the Right fought to protect its own economic power, it fought first of all on the ground of civil society, attempting by all means available to subordinate, or subdue, the forces unleashedviathe wave of organizing by church groups, unions, and the Left in the 1960s (Baloyra, 1982; Lungo U., 1987; Montgomery, 1995). The targets of the famous "death squads," which emerged well before the eruption of civil war in 1981, were preponderantly representatives of organized civil society: union leaders, teachers, community organizers, health workers, catechists. While political militants have been the most prominent among recent victims of the violence carried out by resurgent death squads, the struggle going on in El Salvador today is essentially a struggle over the character and direction of the new civil society that has arisen in the wake of the war and the Peace Accords.
Examines the development of nongovernmental organizations promoted by US AID and of those with ties to the Left during and following the civil war, 1980-92.
According to the author, liberalization within and across national borders affects more than just patterns of migration and labor markets. He offers a different perspective on agricultural restructuring in Mexico, showing how it can weaken social movements as well. He then critically examines reforms undertaken by President Salinas and their negative impact on the country's peasant movement. (DÜI-Sen)
Through a study of recent policy change in Mexico, this article shows that even a strong state, implementing a radical reform via purportedly neutral policy changes, inevitably must adapt to a context shaped by previous policy choices and outstanding political imperatives. In this case, the prior organization of commercial export growers in the fresh fruit and vegetable subsector, the strength of an independent peasant movement, and the state's long‐term commitment to a rhetoric of development and social welfare significantly qualify the reform effort. In the export sector, Mexican production is largely shaped by the still powerful Confederation of Growers of Fruits and Vegetables. In regard to peasant agriculture, the government has had to make significant concessions to independent peasant organizations in an effort to regain political support. The neoliberal program has thus been qualified and to some extent reshaped by both immediate political considerations and the longer‐term institutional and political structures of Mexican society. In this sense, economic forces remain "embedded" in prior social structures and political choices.
