Suchergebnisse

I am not going to talk a lot about my career (I have written about it.) I started working at the age of 16 and retired early at the age of 58. So I worked for 42 years, including several years as a secretary in academia before I was able to go to school and get a graduate education; I got my Ph.D. at the age of 34. I taught for 25 years at Georgia State University.

Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.

Every social institution is affected by the way in which its internal processes are publicized. For example, the survival of the family as a social institution depends to a great extent on its privacy. It is almost impossible to imagine what forces in society might be released if all conflict in the private domain were thrown open for public exploitation.When E. E. Schattschneider wrote the above passage in 1960, (inThe Semisovereign People,p. 17), he could not know that the women's movement was about to resurface not only in the United States but around the world, and that one of its aims would be exactly to expose the "conflict in the private domain" of the family. The ideology of "the family," the power relations in families—these and other "family"-related or other "personal" matters would be questioned in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond.

The hypotheses that the political ambitions of women more than of men, & of Democrats more than of Republicans, are related to socialization experiences is supported for the Democratic & Republican women but not for the men, based on questionnaire survey data from local party officials (total N = 228 Rs). Patterns of socialization are found to vary by party & sex, although all activists are influenced by socialization across the life cycle; & all the ambitious are in earlier stages of the life cycle than the unambitious. The concept of countersocialization is introduced to explain the development of ambitious political women. Countersocialization & politicization around gender-related issues in politics are not expected to restructure political conflict along a sex-based cleavage of the political elite. Rather, the political party context will determine which ambitious women & men gain office & carry their concerns into the decision-making arenas. 2 Tables, 2 Appendixes. Modified HA