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This article employs Social Representations Theory as a theoretical instrument to analyse the right of children to an equitable education. It analyses how social representations of students and students' performances can be used by political actors as an interpretation system to manage contradictions in the equity education policies implemented in Sweden. A textual analysis of website propaganda of eight political parties produced for the Swedish electoral campaign in 2010 is used as research methodology. It is suggested that social representations of students and student performance in the Swedish 2010 electoral campaign function as an interpretation system that enables political parties to deal with the contradiction between the goal of equitable education for all children and the goal of developing diversity and free choice. The absence of a critical perspective about the negative impacts of market-oriented strategies on children's right to equity characterised the analysed texts. Further, the dominance of representations of students as individuals with a right to an individualised education according to their own capacities, interests, learning times and styles makes it difficult to critically question the neoliberal model based on the vision of "one school for each student". Key words:

This article employs Social Representations Theory as a theoretical instrument to analyse the right of children to an equitable education. It analyses how social representations of students and students' performances can be used by political actors as an interpretation system to manage contradictions in the equity education policies implemented in Sweden. A textual analysis of website propaganda of eight political parties produced for the Swedish electoral campaign in 2010 is used as research methodology. It is suggested that social representations of students and student performance in the Swedish 2010 electoral campaign function as an interpretation system that enables political parties to deal with the contradiction between the goal of equitable education for all children and the goal of developing diversity and free choice. The absence of a critical perspective about the negative impacts of market-oriented strategies on children's right to equity characterised the analysed texts. Further, the dominance of representations of students as individuals with a right to an individualised education according to their own capacities, interests, learning times and styles makes it difficult to critically question the neoliberal model based on the vision of "one school for each student". Key words: ; hämtas från: http://www.education-inquiry.net/index.php/edui/article/viewFile/21991/28733

This article employs Social Representations Theory as a theoretical instrument to analyse the right of children to an equitable education. It analyses how social representations of students and students' performances can be used by political actors as an interpretation system to manage contradictions in the equity education policies implemented in Sweden. A textual analysis of website propaganda of eight political parties produced for the Swedish electoral campaign in 2010 is used as research methodology. It is suggested that social representations of students and student performance in the Swedish 2010 electoral campaign function as an interpretation system that enables political parties to deal with the contradiction between the goal of equitable education for all children and the goal of developing diversity and free choice. The absence of a critical perspective about the negative impacts of market-oriented strategies on children's right to equity characterised the analysed texts. Further, the dominance of representations of students as individuals with a right to an individualised education according to their own capacities, interests, learning times and styles makes it difficult to critically question the neoliberal model based on the vision of "one school for each student".

This article proposes intertextuality as a conceptual instrument for the deeper understanding of the phenomenon of equity in educational Reform in times of decentralization. This analysis starts from a dynamic vision of education reforms as interactions of texts. To illustrate the use of intertextual analysis of equity in education, this article introduces and discusses the analyzed examples of the educational national policy and of educational practice in the educational reform implemented in the 90?s and currently in force in the compulsory school in Sweden. It is argued that the meaning of equity is never a fixed one; it varies according to the interactions between political texts at a national level and texts of educational practice at communal and school levels. ; En este artículo se propone la intertextualidad como herramienta conceptual para lograr una mayor comprensión de la equidad en las reformas educativas en tiempos de descentralización. En este análisis se parte de una visión de reforma educativa como sistema dinámico de interacciones de textos. Para ilustrar la utilidad del análisis intertextual de la equidad educativa se presentan y discuten ejemplos de la política y de la práctica escolar en la reforma introducida en la década de los noventa y actualmente vigente en la escuela obligatoria sueca. Se argumenta que el significado de equidad nunca es fijo, sino que varía de acuerdo con las interacciones de los diferentes textos de la política educativa y de la práctica escolar.

In the Convention of the right of the Child (CRC) it is stated that all children should be protected from all kinds of violence. However war, social conflicts and climatic catastrophes have placed immigrant children at risk to object for violence. The purpose of this paper is to study how Sweden politically advice actors within the educational field to approach newly arrived pupils in education by placing it in relation to research about violence. What is particularly payed attention to in the policy document is need to oppose the following risks: b)being in risk of exclusion, c) facing perceptions of assimilation, and f) a lack of clear responsibilities amongst the actors assisting the immigrant children. A fuzziness of responsibilities is at time created with concepts such as "the school should". Education for the Other is the most dominant strategy emphasizing that the newly arrived child's needs in education should be recognized as well as the importance to distribute what is lacking to promote the pupil's development. The advices do not say anything about the content of knowledge required amongst various actors in order to do analysis of processes.

Abstract In the Convention of the right of the Child (CRC) it is stated that all children should be protected from all kinds of violence. However war, social con icts and climatic catastrophes have placed immigrant children at risk to object for violence. The purpose of this paper is to study how Sweden politically advice actors within the educational eld to approach newly arrived pupils in education by placing it in relation to research about violence. What is particularly payed attention to in the policy document is need to oppose the following risks: b) being in risk of exclusion, c) facing perceptions of assimilation, and f) a lack of clear responsibilities amongst the actors assisting the immigrant children. A fuzziness of responsibilities is at time created with concepts such as "the school should". Education for the Other is the most dominant strategy emphasizing that the newly arrived child's needs in education should be recognized as well as the importance to distribute what is lacking to promote the pupil's development. The advices do not say anything about the content of knowledge required amongst various actors in order to do analysis of processes. [1170] Keywords: children's right, violence, educational policy, newly arrived pupils, otherness. ; Artikel ingår i Fascicolo 1/2017 Educational Abuse and Violence against Children/L'abuso educativo e la violenza sui minori Education Sciences & Society - Open Access Peer Reviewed JournalISSN 2038-9442 | AUT. TRIB. MILANO N. 80 DEL 13/07/2016

El propósito de este artículo es analizar y discutir las posibilidades de una implementación equitativa de las políticas europeas de proficiencia lingüística en contextos de políticas educativas de corte neoliberal. Se parte de las recomendaciones de la UE en materia de políticas de proficiencia lingüística para analizar, tomando como eje las diferentes formas de libertad de elección, los principales documentos que rigen la política educativa sueca así como la praxis concreta de los diferentes actores involucrados en la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de español como lengua extranjera. Se concluye que el sistema educativo neoliberal vigente en Suecia no favorece el alcance de las recomendaciones de equidad propuestas por la UE. Esto se explica por el aumento de la libertad de elección por parte de diversos actores, lo que ha creado un estado de inestabilidad y desigualdad en las condiciones de implementación de las políticas europeas de multilingüismo. ; The purpose of this article is to analyze and discuss the possibilities of an equitative implementation of the European policies of language proficiency in the context of neoliberal education policies. With the EU recommendations about language proficiency policies as starting point, the main documents governing the Swedish educational policy as well as the concrete practices of the different actors involved in the teaching and learning of Spanish as a foreign language are analyzed. This is done by taking as an axis the different forms of freedom of choice. It is shown that the current neoliberal educational system in Sweden does not favor the implementation of the recommendations of equity proposed by the EU. This is explained by the increasing freedom of choice by various actors, which has created a state of instability and inequality in the conditions of implementation of European policies on multilingualism. ; Universidad de Granada. Departamento de Didáctica y Organización Escolar. Grupo FORCE (HUM-386)

Starting from a child rights-based approach to sustainable development, this contribution underlines and compares the discourses in selected Spanish and Swedish migration and education policies on the rights of unaccompanied minors to education and discusses their impact on the enactment of the 2030 Agenda's Sustainable Development Goals in both countries. Based on critical discourse analysis, this research shows the co-existence of two different discourses: one on unaccompanied minors as global rights holders and the other on unaccompanied minors as foreign citizens. By describing unaccompanied migrant minors as citizens rather than children, international migration agreements make it possible for the Spanish and Swedish governments to deprioritize other international agreements on refugees' rights, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the 2030 Agenda. Furthermore, as child rights and sustainable development are mutually reinforcing, the negotiation of rights shows that there are obstacles to accomplishing rights-based Sustainable Development Goal 4 in the 2030 Agenda.

Starting from a child rights-based approach to sustainable development, this contribution underlines and compares the discourses in selected Spanish and Swedish migration and education policies on the rights of unaccompanied minors to education and discusses their impact on the enactment of the 2030 Agenda's Sustainable Development Goals in both countries. Based on critical discourse analysis, this research shows the co-existence of two different discourses: one on unaccompanied minors as global rights holders and the other on unaccompanied minors as foreign citizens. By describing unaccompanied migrant minors as citizens rather than children, international migration agreements make it possible for the Spanish and Swedish governments to deprioritize other international agreements on refugees' rights, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the 2030 Agenda. Furthermore, as child rights and sustainable development are mutually reinforcing, the negotiation of rights shows that there are obstacles to accomplishing rights-based Sustainable Development Goal 4 in the 2030 Agenda.

One of the political measures to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic of special interest due to its broad global reach and its implications for gender inequality is the closure of educational centers. From a gender perspective basis, this work analyzes the policies for the closure of educational centers as political strategies for response and prevention to the Covid-19 pandemic in Spain and Sweden. Based on Didier Fassin's conception of biopolitics articulated with Judith Butler's performative concept of gender as theoretical starting point, this research analyzed national statistics, government reports, and educational policies during the March-November 2020 period in both countries. This research shows that, despite the differences of the two selected national models, the educational centers closures has resulted in similar effects on contagion and population mortality. In both cases, the closure has contributed to the deepening of already existing gender inequalities in each society. The study demonstrates the need to develop studies on the closure of educational centers as a strategy to control the pandemic from an intersectional gender perspective.

Una de las medidas políticas para hacer frente a la pandemia Covid-19 de especial interés por su amplio alcance global y por sus implicaciones en la desigualdad de género es el cierre de centros educativos. Partiendo desde una perspectiva de género, este trabajo analiza las políticas de cierre de centros educativos como estrategias políticas de respuesta y prevención a la pandemia Covid-19 en España y Suecia. Teniendo como base del marco teórico la concepción de biopolítica de Didier Fassin articulada con el concepto performativo de género de Judith Butler, se analizan: estadísticas nacionales, informes gubernamentales y políticas educativas durante el período marzo-noviembre de 2020 en ambos países. Esta investigación muestra que a pesar de que la toma de decisiones con relación al cierre de escuelas cómo medida de contención ha sido desarrollada desde modelos diferenciados, los efectos en el contagio y mortalidad poblacional han sido similares en ambos escenarios. En ambos casos las medidas de cierre de centros educativos han contribuido a la profundización de desigualdades de género ya existentes en cada sociedad. El estudio demuestra la necesidad de desarrollar estudios sobre el cierre de centros educativos cómo estrategia de control de la pandemia desde una perspectiva de género intersectorial.