Carl Schmitt and the Politics of Hostility, Violence and Terror, Gabriella Slomp (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 224 pp., $80 cloth
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 339-341
ISSN: 1747-7093
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In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 339-341
ISSN: 1747-7093
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 490-507
ISSN: 1470-8914
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 490-507
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 490-507
ISSN: 1470-8914
In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 203-223
ISSN: 1743-8772
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 237-256
ISSN: 1467-9248
How, exactly, might friendship be relevant to politics? Friendship between political actors can be hypothesised to have specific effects; friendship between individuals in society can be hypothesised to have specific political outcomes; or friendship and politics can be understood to be conceptually connected. Mary Wollstonecraft makes friendship a central concept in her political theory of social justice and good government. This article analyses how politics and friendship are related in her texts, exploring her arguments that friendship in society is a condition of just government, but also suggesting that for Wollstonecraft friendship and citizenship are congruent with one another, and hence that the connection between politics and friendship is conceptual as well as causal.
In: The British journal of politics & international relations: BJPIR, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 127-144
ISSN: 1467-856X
Jacques Derrida and Giorgio Agamben both consider the question of whether there can be politics without violence, offering contrasting responses. In the case of Agamben, the remnant (that which remains) is disruptive and destabilising of present institutions; in the case of Derrida the revenant, the spectre, promises a future that is open. This reading of the two theories suggests that Derrida's response to the question of politics and violence is more persuasive than Agamben's. But the abstraction of his argument, like the tensions and contradictions in Agamben's, means that we are not hereby furnished with the resources to think politically about violence.
In: Thesis eleven: critical theory and historical sociology, Band 97, Heft 1, S. 46-63
ISSN: 1461-7455, 0725-5136
John Locke (1632—1704) and Georges Sorel (1859—1922) are commonly understood as representing opposed positions vis-a-vis revolution — with Locke representing the liberal distinction between violence and politics versus Sorel's rejection of politics in its pacified liberal sense. This interpretation is shown by a close reading of their works to be misleading. Both draw a necessary link between revolution and violence, and both mediate this link through the concept of `war'. They both depoliticize revolution, as for both of them `war' is understood as extra-political. The revolutions of 1989 emphasize what actually is true of previous revolutions: they cannot coherently be thought of as extra-political.
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 90-108
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 180-199
ISSN: 1741-2730
In contrast to liberal, Christian and other pacifist ethics and to just war theory, a range of 20th-century thinkers sought to normalize the role of violence in politics. This article examines the justificatory strategies of Weber, Sorel, Schmitt, Beauvoir, Merleau-Ponty and Fanon. They each engage in justificatory argument, deploying arguments for violence from instrumentality, from necessity and from virtue. All of these arguments raise problems of validity. However, we find that they are reinforced by the representation of violence in terms of a specific aesthetic, either tragedy or sublimity, and by certain rhetorical textual strategies. We conclude that the persuasive force of these arguments for violence rests as much, if not more, on aesthetics and rhetoric, as it does on argument.
In: The political quarterly, Band 80, Heft 4, S. 575-588
ISSN: 1467-923X