Suchergebnisse

Commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) is a form of violence in which children, mainly girls and female adolescents, are reduced to sexual objects for rent. In this study, we argue that the concept of who is an exploiter must be broadened to include everyone who directly or indirectly benefits from CSEC. This paper is based on life stories of 10 female residents from a shelter, which we call Casa Libertad (a fictitious name) in Mexico City, for female victims of violence. Researchers also used semi-structured interviews with experts on CSEC to examine the exploiters' profiles. The research challenges the social representation of all exploiters as members of criminal trafficking networks. Some of the girls did not have direct exploiters, but often acted on their own. Among the victims who had exploiters, relatives and acquaintances played a central role. Our data revealed that the Mexican State, which formally prevents exploitation and assists victims, also contributes by action by not enforcing CSEC existing laws. The State also does not provide sufficient services to victims and has in its ranks sex buyers and abusers.

Objective. In this analysis we identify factors associated with the dynamics of partner violence among low‐income women.Methods. Using two waves of the Welfare, Children and Families Study (1999–2001), we examine the multivariate predictors of ever having experienced abuse, as well as factors associated with the initiation, resumption, and discontinuation of violence between the two interviews.Results. Over half the women who reported violence at Wave 1 reported no violence at Wave 2. These women were older, had experienced less severe violence, and reported less financial strain than women for whom violence continued or began. For 11 percent of the sample, violence began or resumed by the second interview. These women were younger, less educated, had weaker social networks, and were less likely to be Hispanic than those who never experienced violence.Conclusions. Partner abuse appears to be highly dynamic and a fuller understanding of the phenomenon requires a longitudinal focus.

Objective In this analysis we identify factors associated with the dynamics of partner violence among low-income women. Methods Using two waves of the Welfare, Children and Families Study (1999-2001), we examine the multivariate predictors of ever having experienced abuse, as well as factors associated with the initiation, resumption, and discontinuation of violence between the two interviews. Results Over half the women who reported violence at Wave 1 reported no violence at Wave 2. These women were older, had experienced less severe violence, and reported less financial strain than women for whom violence continued or began. For 11 percent of the sample, violence began or resumed by the second interview. These women were younger, less educated, had weaker social networks, and were less likely to be Hispanic than those who never experienced violence. Conclusions Partner abuse appears to be highly dynamic and a fuller understanding of the phenomenon requires a longitudinal focus. Adapted from the source document.

La implementación de las cuotas de género y la paridad han posibilitado la mayor representación de las mujeres. Sin embargo, han derivado en un incremento o visibilización de la violencia contra ellas. Se ha nombrado el fenómeno violencia política, violencia política contra las mujeres, violencia política por razones de género y acoso político. La falta de consenso en el nombre y su conceptualización genera lagunas legislativas e inconsistencias en los mecanismos de prevención, atención y sanción. Este estudio abona al debate conceptual al nombrarlo violencia de género contra las mujeres en política (VGCMP). Además, examina las experiencias de las mujeres de la Asamblea Constituyente de la Ciudad de México (ACCDMX). Las mujeres experimentan numerosas expresiones de VGCMP que frecuentemente pasan inadvertidas. No sólo los compañeros/as son los autores del acoso, discriminación y violencia, sino que también participan el electorado, el personal de seguridad y los empleados de la ACCDMX. Las mujeres despliegan diversas estrategias de resistencia individuales y colectivas. Se discuten las implicaciones sobre el marco normativo y las acciones de prevención y sanción de la VGCMP.

The implementation of gender quotas and parity policies led to more women in politics. However, these have been associated to an increase, or at least higher recognition, of violence against them. This phenomenon has been referred tocaso as political violence, political violence against women, gender-based political violence, and political harassment. The lack of consensus on both the name and its conceptualization has entailed legislative gaps and failures in prevention, assistance and sanction mechanisms. This study contributes to this conceptual debate by proposing the term gender-based violence against women in politics and examines the experiences of female representatives in the Constituent Assembly of Mexico City. Females in politics experience a myriad of expressions of violence that are often not recognized as such. Not only male and female peers are responsible of harassing, discriminating and exerting violence, but also constituents, security personnel and employees of the Constituent Assembly. Women display an array of individual and collective resistance strategies. Implications on legislative reforms and policies aimed at preventing and sanctioning gender-based violence are discussed.

Objectives. In this article we examine correlates of health insurance coverage for low‐income households.Methods. Using data from the Welfare, Children, and Families Project (1999–2001), a sample of 2,402 low‐income families from Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio, we estimate two logistic regressions, one that predicts health insurance coverage for one focal child in each household and another that assesses the odds that all children in the household have coverage.Results. The children of poorly‐educated, immigrant, and Mexican‐origin parents are at an elevated risk of lacking insurance. These characteristics also increase the risk of incomplete household coverage. Mexican‐origin children and households are at particularly high risk of lacking complete coverage, a fact partially reflecting their residential concentration in states with high uninsurance rates, such as Texas.Conclusions. Serious holes in the health‐care safety net affect poor Americans differently based on their state of residence, race, ethnicity, and household structure.

Objectives. In this article we examine correlates of health insurance coverage for low-income households. Methods. Using data from the Welfare, Children, & Families Project (1999-2001), a sample of 2,402 low-income families from Boston, Chicago, & San Antonio, we estimate two logistic regressions, one that predicts health insurance coverage for one focal child in each household & another that assesses the odds that all children in the household have coverage. Results. The children of poorly-educated, immigrant, & Mexican-origin parents are at an elevated risk of lacking insurance. These characteristics also increase the risk of incomplete household coverage. Mexican-origin children & households are at particularly high risk of lacking complete coverage, a fact partially reflecting their residential concentration in states with high uninsurance rates, such as Texas. Conclusions. Serious holes in the health-care safety net affect poor Americans differently based on their state of residence, race, ethnicity, & household structure. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.