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Manifest is an application, a declaration, the given, the obvious, direct or by observable and clear notice. But the manifesto also get their meaning by the non-manifest non-manifest: its meaning is created in relation to all this that the manifest is not. Therefore contains the manifesto also what is excluded by an inherent negation of its manifest importance, and that which has been in line with the structuralist laws, conditions manifest's very existence. Without the latent, not manifest. The latent, that is precisely the precondition for the manifest manifest importance, thus becomes a part of the manifesto by defining it. The manifesto is thus always more than what is observable and clear notice, it holds a surplus. This excess, surplus or net is in theory unlimited, and may in economistic terms, compared to a profit. A great gain for the good political science. Adapted from the source document.

Taking our point of departure in securitization theory the aim is to analyze how the Lutheran Church of Sweden responded when the Swedish Government in late autumn 2015 made a sudden halt to a previously generous posture towards refugees. Applying the concept of counter-securitization we demonstrate how the Archbishop, and other Church leaders, strongly contested this official policy shift, legitimating their standpoint by referring to a radical, cosmopolitan reading of the gospel. Employees and lay members were mobilized to support immigrants through protest, everyday service, consultation and lobbying. Articulating a view that securitization should not be reserved for cases of a perceived existential military threat is highly relevant for the debate about the role of religion and secularism. Securitization and counter-securitization appear as two complementary approaches, where the Church may stand up as a bulwark defending immigration rights in contradistinction to retrotopian and xenophobic interpretations of the gospel. We contribute to this field by illustrating how research should not be caught in a one-dimensional reading of security and securitization, but has to be interpreted within a non-linear, non-binary framework, with a sensitive ear to different political, cultural, social and religious contexts, not forgetting the time dimension.

The aim of this study is to explore the contemporary role of the folk highschool as an educational pathway for Swedish MPs. Statistics from the folkhigh school register at Statistics Sweden are analysed. In summary, thereare still quite a large number of former folk high school participants inthe Swedish parliament (27%, 2014). The MPs' folk high schoolparticipation mainly took the form of short courses. Over time, the folkhigh schools have increasingly come to be used by members of partieson the left of the political spectrum. The folk high schools arecommonly used as meeting places during the MPs' political career, andthus not only as an educational pathway to power, as emphasised inearlier research. ; Utbildningsvägar till makten

AbstractLocal governments in Europe are facing difficulties in meeting citizens' demands for welfare provision. This opens new opportunities for profit as well as non-profit providers of social welfare. Faith-based organizations (FBOs) are one type of non-governmental organizations addressed by governments to complement or replace parts of public welfare provision. This article gives some examples of FBOs in action as providers of welfare in a European context, with a particular focus on Sweden. Following the introduction, the second part locates the phenomenon of FBOs within the scholarly debate about secularism/post-secularism as related to multi-level governance. The third part gives an overview of potential roles of FBOs in welfare provision combating poverty and social exclusion, illustrated by a few examples from European contexts. Focus in the fourth part is upon the role of FBO engagement in Sweden as developing after World War II. It is concluded that no system is all encompassing in catering to those who suffer from poverty and social exclusion. There will always be a need for the competence and avant-garde role potentially provided by FBOs. However, due to historical circumstances FBOs in Sweden have been, and still are, complementary rather than an outright alternative to public welfare provision.

Local governments in Europe are facing difficulties in meeting citizens demands for welfare provision. This opens new opportunities for profit as well as non-profit providers of social welfare. Faith-based organizations (FBOs) are one type of non-governmental organizations addressed by governments to complement or replace parts of public welfare provision. This article gives some examples of FBOs in action as providers of welfare in a European context, with a particular focus on Sweden. Following the introduction, the second part locates the phenomenon of FBOs within the scholarly debate about secularism/post-secularism as related to multi-level governance. The third part gives an overview of potential roles of FBOs in welfare provision combating poverty and social exclusion, illustrated by a few examples from European contexts. Focus in the fourth part is upon the role of FBO engagement in Sweden as developing after World War II. It is concluded that no system is all encompassing in catering to those who suffer from poverty and social exclusion. There will always be a need for the competence and avant-garde role potentially provided by FBOs. However, due to historical circumstances FBOs in Sweden have been, and still are, complementary rather than an outright alternative to public welfare provision.