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"Every user knows the importance of the '@' symbol in internet communication. Though the symbol barely existed in Latin America before the emergence of email, Spanish-speaking feminist activists immediately claimed it to replace the awkward 'o/a' used to indicate both genders in written text, discovering an answer to the challenge of symbolic inclusion embedded in the internet. In repurposing the symbol, they changed its meaning. In Interpreting the Internet, Elisabeth Jay Friedman provides the first in-depth exploration of how Latin American feminist and queer activists have interpreted the internet to support their counterpublics. Aided by a global network of women and men dedicated to establishing an accessible internet, activists have developed identities, constructed communities, and honed strategies for social change. And by translating the internet into their own vernacular, they have also transformed the technology. This book will be of interest to scholars and students in feminist and gender studies, Latin American studies, media studies, political science, as well as anyone curious about the ways in which the internet shapes our lives"--Provided by publisher

AbstractThis article examines the internet's potential to democratize gender equality advocacy in Latin America. Based on field research in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, it challenges the assumption that the internet's horizontal organization and widespread dissemination inherently or inevitably lead to greater democratization. It advances two interrelated arguments. First, the internet's potential to foster democratic relations and effective strategies in civil society depends on the consciousness with which advocates adopt, share, and deploy the technology. Second, the internet is a critical resource for marginalized or socially suspect groups and subjects, providing a unique means to express and transmit often ostracized ideas and identities.

National agencies for women have engaged the state as advocates of women's rights, taking on issues from reproductive rights to pay equity. Current analysis focuses on both the origins & effectiveness of such agencies. However, such analysis is predominantly based on studies from the developed world. Thus, examination of individual cases from the developing world can expand our understanding of the potential of state equality advocacy by extending comparative empirical & theoretical perspectives on gender & the state. This paper presents the case of the Venezuelan agency for women. One of the oldest agencies in the region, it has changed considerably over the course of its history. It has proved to be a major catalyst for gender equality advocacy but also demonstrates the potential risks of institutionalizing such advocacy. 1 Table, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

On International Women's Day in March 1958, ten thousand women gathered in the largest stadium in Caracas to celebrate the fall of the dictatorship of Major Marcos Pérez Jiménez and to commemorate the many women who had taken an active role in opposing it. This gathering was the first mass meeting following the demise of authoritarian rule. Despite the array of political views represented in the audience and on the dais, unity was stressed by every speaker. Women had struggled against the dictatorship united, and united they would promote their own rights in the fledgling democracy. But within a year, the women's group that had sponsored the rally disbanded. Women did not hold another nonpartisan meeting for sixteen years, and then only when the United Nations' International Women's Year in 1974 galvanized the two thousand participants. During the first thirty years of democracy in Venezuela, women held no more than 5 percent of congressional seats and few of the decision-making positions in political parties.

En 2015, el activismo feminista de Argentina alcanzó una escala sin precedentes con la marcha Ni Una Menos. Tomando esta protesta como terreno empírico, en este artículo se indaga en los factores que explican por qué las mujeres jóvenes se unen a los movimientos feministas. En particular, por qué se volcaron a las calles para protestar y denunciar los feminicidios y la violencia de género. Mediante entrevistas a jóvenes, a organizadoras de la marcha y a activistas feministas de larga trayectoria, se muestra cómo una convocatoria novedosa en términos prefigurativos y performativos, más la trama organizativa feminista preexistente, fueron condiciones que canalizaron una sensibilidad joven a la protesta callejera. El trabajo destaca las unidades generacionales, la disponibilidad estructural de la juventud y la política expresiva de los movimientos como condiciones para la protesta feminista juvenil.