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The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities. ; This work was made possible through funding provided by the Rockefeller Foundation and undertaken as a contribution to the Global Research Network on Urban Health Equity.

The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities. ; This work was made possible through funding provided by the Rockefeller Foundation and undertaken as a contribution to the Global Research Network on Urban Health Equity.

The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities.

The commercial determinants of health (CDoH) describe the adverse health effects associated with for-profit actors and their actions. Despite efforts to advance the definition, conceptualization, and empirical analyses of CDoH, the term's practical application to mitigate these effects requires the capacity to measure the influences of specific components of CDoH and the cumulative impacts of CDoH on the health and well-being of specific populations. Building on the Global Burden of Disease Study, we begin by conceptualizing CDoH as risk factor exposures that span agency and structural influences. We identify 6 components of these influences and propose an initial set of indicators and datasets to rank exposures as high, medium, or low. These are combined into a commercial determinants of health index (CDoHi) and illustrated by 3 countries. Although now a proof of concept, comparative analysis of CDoH exposures by population, over time and space, and their associated health outcomes will become possible with further development of indicators and datasets. Expansion of the CDoHi and application to varied populations groups will enable finer targeting of interventions to reduce health harms. The measurement of improvements to health and wellness from such interventions will, in turn, inform overall efforts to address the CDoH.

This discussion paper by a group of scholars across the fields of health, economics and labour relations argues that COVID-19 is an unprecedented humanitarian crisis from which there can be no return to the 'old normal'. The pandemic's disastrous worldwide health impacts have been exacerbated by, and have compounded, the unsustainability of economic globalisation based on the neoliberal dismantling of state capabilities in favour of markets. Flow-on economic impacts have simultaneously created major supply and demand disruptions, and highlighted the growing within-country inequalities and precarity generated by neoliberal regimes of labour market regulation. Taking an Australian and international perspective, we examine these economic and labour market impacts, paying particular attention to differential impacts on First Nations people, developing countries, women, immigrants and young people. Evaluating policy responses in a political climate of national and international leadership very different from those in which major twentieth century crises were addressed, we argue the need for a national and international conversation to develop a new pathway out of crisis.

Abstract Background The adverse health and equity impacts of transnational corporations' (TNCs) practices have become central public health concerns as TNCs increasingly dominate global trade and investment and shape national economies. Despite this, methodologies have been lacking with which to study the health equity impacts of individual corporations and thus to inform actions to mitigate or reverse negative and increase positive impacts. Methods This paper reports on a framework designed to conduct corporate health impact assessment (CHIA), developed at a meeting held at the Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Center in May 2015. Results On the basis of the deliberations at the meeting it was recommended that the CHIA should be based on ex post assessment and follow the standard HIA steps of screening, scoping, identification, assessment, decision-making and recommendations. A framework to conduct the CHIA was developed and designed to be applied to a TNC's practices internationally, and within countries to enable comparison of practices and health impacts in different settings. The meeting participants proposed that impacts should be assessed according to the TNC's global and national operating context; its organisational structure, political and business practices (including the type, distribution and marketing of its products); and workforce and working conditions, social factors, the environment, consumption patterns, and economic conditions within countries. Conclusion We anticipate that the results of the CHIA will be used by civil society for capacity building and advocacy purposes, by governments to inform regulatory decision-making, and by TNCs to lessen their negative health impacts on health and fulfil commitments made to corporate social responsibility.

Agricultural food production and agriculturally-related change in land use substantially contribute to greenhouse-gas emissions worldwide. Four-fifths of agricultural emissions arise from the livestock sector. Although livestock products are a source of some essential nutrients, they provide large amounts of saturated fat, which is a known risk factor for cardiovascular disease. We considered potential strategies for the agricultural sector to meet the target recommended by the UK Committee on Climate Change to reduce UK emissions from the concentrations recorded in 1990 by 80% by 2050, which would require a 50% reduction by 2030. With use of the UK as a case study, we identified that a combination of agricultural technological improvements and a 30% reduction in livestock production would be needed to meet this target; in the absence of good emissions data from Brazil, we assumed for illustrative purposes that the required reductions would be the same for our second case study in São Paulo city. We then used these data to model the potential benefits of reduced consumption of livestock products on the burden of ischaemic heart disease: disease burden would decrease by about 15% in the UK (equivalent to 2850 disability-adjusted life-years [DALYs] per million population in 1 year) and 16% in São Paulo city (equivalent to 2180 DALYs per million population in 1 year). Although likely to yield benefits to health, such a strategy will probably encounter cultural, political, and commercial resistance, and face technical challenges. Coordinated intersectoral action is needed across agricultural, nutritional, public health, and climate change communities worldwide to provide affordable, healthy, low-emission diets for all societies. ; The project that led to this Series was funded by the Wellcome Trust (coordinating funder); Department of Health, National Institute for Health Research; the Royal College of Physicians; the Academy of Medical Sciences; the Economic and Social Research Council; the US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences; and WHO. The Royal College of Physicians was supported by an unrestricted educational grant from Pfizer.

Agricultural food production and agriculturally-related change in land use substantially contribute to greenhouse-gas emissions worldwide. Four-fifths of agricultural emissions arise from the livestock sector. Although livestock products are a source of some essential nutrients, they provide large amounts of saturated fat, which is a known risk factor for cardiovascular disease. We considered potential strategies for the agricultural sector to meet the target recommended by the UK Committee on Climate Change to reduce UK emissions from the concentrations recorded in 1990 by 80% by 2050, which would require a 50% reduction by 2030. With use of the UK as a case study, we identified that a combination of agricultural technological improvements and a 30% reduction in livestock production would be needed to meet this target; in the absence of good emissions data from Brazil, we assumed for illustrative purposes that the required reductions would be the same for our second case study in São Paulo city. We then used these data to model the potential benefits of reduced consumption of livestock products on the burden of ischaemic heart disease: disease burden would decrease by about 15% in the UK (equivalent to 2850 disability-adjusted life-years [DALYs] per million population in 1 year) and 16% in São Paulo city (equivalent to 2180 DALYs per million population in 1 year). Although likely to yield benefits to health, such a strategy will probably encounter cultural, political, and commercial resistance, and face technical challenges. Coordinated intersectoral action is needed across agricultural, nutritional, public health, and climate change communities worldwide to provide affordable, healthy, low-emission diets for all societies. ; The project that led to this Series was funded by the Wellcome Trust (coordinating funder); Department of Health, National Institute for Health Research; the Royal College of Physicians; the Academy of Medical Sciences; the Economic and Social Research Council; the US National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences; and WHO. The Royal College of Physicians was supported by an unrestricted educational grant from Pfizer.

This discussion paper by a group of scholars across the fields of health, economics and labour relations argues that COVID-19 is an unprecedented humanitarian crisis from which there can be no return to the 'old normal'. The pandemic's disastrous worldwide health impacts have been exacerbated by, and have compounded, the unsustainability of economic globalisation based on the neoliberal dismantling of state capabilities in favour of markets. Flow-on economic impacts have simultaneously created major supply and demand disruptions, and highlighted the growing within-country inequalities and precarity generated by neoliberal regimes of labour market regulation. Taking an Australian and international perspective, we examine these economic and labour market impacts, paying particular attention to differential impacts on First Nations people, developing countries, women, immigrants and young people. Evaluating policy responses in a political climate of national and international leadership very different from those in which major twentieth century crises were addressed, we argue the need for a national and international conversation to develop a new pathway out of crisis.

Asia Pacific is home to over 60% of the world's population and the fastest growing economies. Many of the leadership in the Asia Pacific region is becoming increasingly aware that improving the conditions for health would go a long way to sustaining economic prosperity in the region, as well as improving global and local health equity. There is no biological reason why males born in Cambodia can expect to live 23 years less than males born in Japan, or why females born in Tuvalu live 23 years shorter than females in New Zealand or why non-Indigenous Australian males live 12 years longer than Indigenous men. The nature and drivers of health inequities vary greatly among different social, cultural and geo-political contexts and effective solutions must take this into account. This paper utilizes the CSDH global recommendations as a basis for looking at the actions that are taking place to address the structural drivers and conditions of daily living that affect health inequities in the Asia Pacific context. While there are signs of action and hope, substantial challenges remain for health equity in Asia Pacific. The gains that have been made to date are not equally distributed and may be unsustainable as the world encounters new economic, social and environmental challenges. Tackling health inequities is a political imperative that requires leadership, political courage, social action, a sound evidence base and progressive public policy. ; The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Sharon Friel is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship. Belinda Loring's role in AP HealthGAEN was funded with assistance from VicHealth, Australia and the Western Pacific Regional Office of WHO.

Government action is essential to increase the healthiness of food environments and reduce obesity, diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs), and their related inequalities. This paper proposes a monitoring framework to assess government policies and actions for creating healthy food environments. Recommendations from relevant authoritative organizations and expert advisory groups for reducing obesity and NCDs were examined, and pertinent components were incorporated into a comprehensive framework for monitoring government policies and actions. A Government Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food- EPI) was developed, which comprises a 'policy' component with seven domains on specific aspects of food environments, and an 'infrastructure support' component with seven domains to strengthen systems to prevent obesity and NCDs. These were revised through a week-long consultation process with international experts. Examples of good practice statements are proposed within each domain, and these will evolve into benchmarks established by governments at the forefront of creating and implementing food policies for good health. A rating process is proposed to assess a government's level of policy implementation towards good practice. The Food-EPI will be pre-tested and piloted in countries of varying size and income levels. The benchmarking of government policy implementation has the potential to catalyse greater action to reduce obesity and NCDs. ; The Rockefeller Foundation kindly supported the work of INFORMAS by hosting the first formal meeting of INFORMAS at the Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Centre, Italy from 19 to 23 November 2012. The following organizations provided funding support for the travel of participants to Italy for this meeting and the preparation of background research papers: The Rockefeller Foundation, International Obesity Taskforce (IOTF), University of Auckland, Deakin University, The George Institute, University of Sydney, Queensland University of Technology, University of Oxford, University of Pennsylvania Perelman School of Medicine, World Cancer Research Fund International, University of Toronto, and The Australian National University. The Faculty of Health at Deakin University kindly supported the costs for open access availability of this paper, and the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council Centre for Research Excellence in Obesity Policy and Food Systems (APP1041020) supported the coordination and finalizing of INFORMAS manuscripts.

Asia Pacific is home to over 60% of the world's population and the fastest growing economies. Many of the leadership in the Asia Pacific region is becoming increasingly aware that improving the conditions for health would go a long way to sustaining economic prosperity in the region, as well as improving global and local health equity. There is no biological reason why males born in Cambodia can expect to live 23 years less than males born in Japan, or why females born in Tuvalu live 23 years shorter than females in New Zealand or why non-Indigenous Australian males live 12 years longer than Indigenous men. The nature and drivers of health inequities vary greatly among different social, cultural and geo-political contexts and effective solutions must take this into account. This paper utilizes the CSDH global recommendations as a basis for looking at the actions that are taking place to address the structural drivers and conditions of daily living that affect health inequities in the Asia Pacific context. While there are signs of action and hope, substantial challenges remain for health equity in Asia Pacific. The gains that have been made to date are not equally distributed and may be unsustainable as the world encounters new economic, social and environmental challenges. Tackling health inequities is a political imperative that requires leadership, political courage, social action, a sound evidence base and progressive public policy. ; The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Sharon Friel is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship. Belinda Loring's role in AP HealthGAEN was funded with assistance from VicHealth, Australia and the Western Pacific Regional Office of WHO.

Food prices and food affordability are important determinants of food choices, obesity and non-communicable diseases. As governments around the world consider policies to promote the consumption of healthier foods, data on the relative price and affordability of foods, with a particular focus on the difference between 'less healthy' and 'healthy' foods and diets, are urgently needed. This paper briefly reviews past and current approaches to monitoring food prices, and identifies key issues affecting the development of practical tools and methods for food price data collection, analysis and reporting. A step-wise monitoring framework, including measurement indicators, is proposed. 'Minimal' data collection will assess the differential price of 'healthy' and 'less healthy' foods; 'expanded' monitoring will assess the differential price of 'healthy' and 'less healthy' diets; and the 'optimal' approach will also monitor food affordability, by taking into account household income. The monitoring of the price and affordability of 'healthy' and 'less healthy' foods and diets globally will provide robust data and benchmarks to inform economic and fiscal policy responses. Given the range of methodological, cultural and logistical challenges in this area, it is imperative that all aspects of the proposed monitoring framework are tested rigorously before implementation.

A food supply that delivers energy-dense products with high levels of salt, saturated fats and trans fats, in large portion sizes, is a major cause of non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The highly processed foods produced by large food corporations are primary drivers of increases in consumption of these adverse nutrients. The objective of this paper is to present an approach to monitoring food composition that can both document the extent of the problem and underpin novel actions to address it. The monitoring approach seeks to systematically collect information on high-level contextual factors influencing food composition and assess the energy density, salt, saturated fat, trans fats and portion sizes of highly processed foods for sale in retail outlets (with a focus on supermarkets and quick-service restaurants). Regular surveys of food composition are proposed across geographies and over time using a pragmatic, standardized methodology. Surveys have already been undertaken in several high- and middle-income countries, and the trends have been valuable in informing policy approaches. The purpose of collecting data is not to exhaustively document the composition of all foods in the food supply in each country, but rather to provide information to support governments, industry and communities to develop and enact strategies to curb food-related NCDs.

Private-sector organizations play a critical role in shaping the food environments of individuals and populations. However, there is currently very limited independent monitoring of private-sector actions related to food environments. This paper reviews previous efforts to monitor the private sector in this area, and outlines a proposed approach to monitor private-sector policies and practices related to food environments, and their influence on obesity and non-communicable disease (NCD) prevention. A step-wise approach to data collection is recommended, in which the first ('minimal') step is the collation of publicly available food and nutrition-related policies of selected private-sector organizations. The second ('expanded') step assesses the nutritional composition of each organization's products, their promotions to children, their labelling practices, and the accessibility, availability and affordability of their products. The third ('optimal') step includes data on other commercial activities that may influence food environments, such as political lobbying and corporate philanthropy. The proposed approach will be further developed and piloted in countries of varying size and income levels. There is potential for this approach to enable national and international benchmarking of private-sector policies and practices, and to inform efforts to hold the private sector to account for their role in obesity and NCD prevention.