Suchergebnisse

In this article, the premises for state support of religious communities in Sweden are discussed in relation to democratic values. Registered faith communities in Sweden have the possibility to apply for financial support from the state, as well as for help to collect the membership fee through the state tax payment process. One of the most important criteria to receive state support is that the faith community should contribute to the maintenance and strengthening of the fundamental values of society, the state funding opportunity thus being intimately related to the Swedish conception of democracy. In 2016, 43 faith communities were receiving economic support from the state on these premises. Some applications for state funding of religious faith communities have, however, been turned down. This article will focus on one of these cases, the application from Jehovah´s Witnesses, which has been turned down on the critique that the faith community does not contribute to the maintenance and strengthening of the fundamental values of society. This case has been in question since 2007 and is still not resolved. Based on this case, the question of fundamental values of society, a corner stone in the Swedish perspective on democracy, will be problematized, and some dilemmas will be pinpointed.

This chapter focuses on changes in contemporary religion and in particular in relation to the globalization process. Globally, one aspect of religious change is that fundamentalist religious movements are thriving, aiming at reviving tradition, and making religion influential again in contemporary society. The chapter explores the more vague religious expressions of Western culture, related to New Age and the spirituality discourse, as responses to globalization in the universalistic mode. It discusses the concepts of New Age and spirituality, and argues that essentializing a New Age category no longer makes sense in a globalized society. The chapter then focuses on the dichotomy of institutionalized religion on one hand, and uninstitutionalized, or popular religion, on the other hand. Finally, it raises some critical questions to point some significant similarities between, on the one hand, the characteristics of contemporary religious change and, on the other, neoliberal politics and culture.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians' sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the case. However, Ludvika politicians must also contend with other sources of and reasons for mockery, harassment and threats: predominantly "angry citizens" due to controversial decisions, personal conflicts within established parties relating to the choice of personnel, and a contempt for in particular some extreme right wing political opinions. The results regarding the sense of safety and vulnerability are very much in line with national figures. Even overall, Swedish politicians at the national, regional and local levels are aware of pressure from right-wing extremists, who distribute propaganda that often incorporates blame, an exposing of individuals and violent language. The result from Ludvika should therefore be seen as one of degree rather than of type, as the situation is worse here than in other municipal councils in Sweden. A conclusion that can be drawn from the study is that the political debate is heading in an increasingly antagonistic direction, where ideological adversaries are regarded more as enemies than as legitimate opponents. While in the long term this can pose a threat to democracy, positive counter-responses were found in Ludvika that can serve to support the democratic position.