Suchergebnisse

Le XX e Congrès du Parti communiste chinois, en octobre 2022, a mis en scène Xi Jinping en chef incontestable et apparemment incontesté d'un État-Parti qui n'a jamais été aussi puissant. Pourtant, la situation économique est fragile et le primat de l'idéologie nationaliste rend les instances dirigeantes sourdes aux souffrances et aux colères de la population. Faudra-t-il donc une guerre avec Taïwan pour maintenir la cohésion sociale ?

A l'heure où les démocraties représentatives connaissent de nouveaux défis et où la Chine ambitionne de jouer un rôle inédit de leadership mondial, ce chapitre s'intéresse aux tentatives d'une des figures de proue de la nouvelle gauche chinoise pour repenser la représentation politique et faire valoir un modèle chinois de démocratie alternatif au modèle libéral. Tout en rappelant les enjeux historiques et politiques d'une telle entreprise, cet article développe une analyse au croisement de l'histoire, de la science politique et de la philosophie politique pour mettre en lumière une démarche plus idéologique que scientifique, qui n'en est pas moins révélatrice des nouvelles ambitions normatives et hégémoniques d'une partie de l'intelligentsia chinoise.

A l'heure où les démocraties représentatives connaissent de nouveaux défis et où la Chine ambitionne de jouer un rôle inédit de leadership mondial, ce chapitre s'intéresse aux tentatives d'une des figures de proue de la nouvelle gauche chinoise pour repenser la représentation politique et faire valoir un modèle chinois de démocratie alternatif au modèle libéral. Tout en rappelant les enjeux historiques et politiques d'une telle entreprise, cet article développe une analyse au croisement de l'histoire, de la science politique et de la philosophie politique pour mettre en lumière une démarche plus idéologique que scientifique, qui n'en est pas moins révélatrice des nouvelles ambitions normatives et hégémoniques d'une partie de l'intelligentsia chinoise.

A l'heure où les démocraties représentatives connaissent de nouveaux défis et où la Chine ambitionne de jouer un rôle inédit de leadership mondial, ce chapitre s'intéresse aux tentatives d'une des figures de proue de la nouvelle gauche chinoise pour repenser la représentation politique et faire valoir un modèle chinois de démocratie alternatif au modèle libéral. Tout en rappelant les enjeux historiques et politiques d'une telle entreprise, cet article développe une analyse au croisement de l'histoire, de la science politique et de la philosophie politique pour mettre en lumière une démarche plus idéologique que scientifique, qui n'en est pas moins révélatrice des nouvelles ambitions normatives et hégémoniques d'une partie de l'intelligentsia chinoise.

The social sciences are intimately linked to understanding the societies in which we live. This is why the question of the historical and political anchoring of this knowledge arises. As postcolonial studies have shown, the social sciences have produced theories, concepts, and paradigms in Southern societies conveying a discourse on "modernity." According to Edward Saïd, scientific knowledge is a form of power that confers authority on the person who produces it. However, knowledge is largely controlled and produced by the West, which therefore has the power to name, represent, and theorise (Saïd 1995). By entering into the field of these theories, indigenous researchers impose on themselves a representation of themselves and the other that endorses these power relationships. In order to finally break with this type of domination, indigenous societies are encouraged to move away from the Western ethnocentrism carried by the social sciences, and their particular vision of modernity, in order to construct their own narratives. Issues of domination are therefore at the heart of the social sciences, and in China as elsewhere, in the modern and contemporary period, these issues have not ceased to be taken into account, discussed, and thwarted. Historically, the birth of the human and social sciences in China at the turn of the twentieth century is closely linked to the desire of intellectuals to contribute to the emergence of a "powerful and prosperous" China (fuqiang 富强) following its traumatic encounter with the Western powers during the Opium Wars. As an integral part of the "self-reinforcing movement" (yangwu yundong 洋务运动), which consisted of learning from the West in order to better counter it, the human and social sciences, in China as in other non-Western societies, from the start engaged the relationship to the Other (the West) and to the Self. Trained for the most part abroad and especially in Japan, a country through which Western concepts first passed, Chinese researchers quickly strove to situate themselves in relation to this Western knowledge. As early as the 1930s, in the wake of the sociologist and anthropologist Fei Xiaotong in particular, many sought to "indigenise" the social sciences, in order to better understand the issues specific to their country and to move in the direction of a specifically Chinese modernity. The same dynamic is found in the aftermath of the Maoist period, marked by the isolation of China and the ban on social sciences. The"feverish" re-introduction of Western theories to fill the three-decade gap, which marked the 1980s, was followed by a movement of critical re-appropriation of these theories (Merle and Zhang 2007). The lecture given by Xi Jinping in May 2016, during which the President of the PRC called on Chinese researchers to "accelerate the construction of a philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics" (jiakuai goujian Zhongguo tese zhexue shehui kexue 加快构建中国特色哲学社会科学), raises the question of the extent to which national characteristics are linked to the social sciences of each country and to question the validity of epistemological relativism. Is the assertion of a national specificity of the disciplines compatible with the aim of the human and social sciences, and to what extent can a scientific discourse or approach have cultural or national characteristics? Xi Jinping's speech also calls for an update on the longstanding opposition between Western and Chinese social sciences, inherited from postcolonial studies, which this discourse seems to mirror. What is the significance of such an injunction today in China, and how do Chinese researchers respond to it? Ultimately, this special issue aims to question the relationship between knowledge and power, science and ideology in the light of the Chinese case. (China Perspect/GIGA)

International audience ; Whilst the Chinese Communist Party is one of the most powerful political institutions in the world, it is also one of the least understood, due to the party's secrecy and tight control over the archives, the press and the Internet. Having governed the People's Republic of China for nearly 70 years though, much interest remains in how this quintessentially Leninist party governs onefifth of the world and runs the world's second-largest economy. The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party gives a comprehensive and multifaceted picture of the party's traditions and values-as well as its efforts to stay relevant in the twenty-first century. It uses a wealth of contemporary data and qualitative analysis to explore the intriguing relationship between the party on the one hand, and the government, the legal and judicial establishment and the armed forces, on the other. Tracing the influence of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, as well as Mao Zedong, on contemporary leaders ranging from Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, the sections cover: The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Politics, Asian Politics, Political Parties and International Relations.

International audience ; Whilst the Chinese Communist Party is one of the most powerful political institutions in the world, it is also one of the least understood, due to the party's secrecy and tight control over the archives, the press and the Internet. Having governed the People's Republic of China for nearly 70 years though, much interest remains in how this quintessentially Leninist party governs onefifth of the world and runs the world's second-largest economy. The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party gives a comprehensive and multifaceted picture of the party's traditions and values-as well as its efforts to stay relevant in the twenty-first century. It uses a wealth of contemporary data and qualitative analysis to explore the intriguing relationship between the party on the one hand, and the government, the legal and judicial establishment and the armed forces, on the other. Tracing the influence of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, as well as Mao Zedong, on contemporary leaders ranging from Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, the sections cover: The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Politics, Asian Politics, Political Parties and International Relations.

International audience ; Whilst the Chinese Communist Party is one of the most powerful political institutions in the world, it is also one of the least understood, due to the party's secrecy and tight control over the archives, the press and the Internet. Having governed the People's Republic of China for nearly 70 years though, much interest remains in how this quintessentially Leninist party governs onefifth of the world and runs the world's second-largest economy. The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party gives a comprehensive and multifaceted picture of the party's traditions and values-as well as its efforts to stay relevant in the twenty-first century. It uses a wealth of contemporary data and qualitative analysis to explore the intriguing relationship between the party on the one hand, and the government, the legal and judicial establishment and the armed forces, on the other. Tracing the influence of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, as well as Mao Zedong, on contemporary leaders ranging from Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, the sections cover: The Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Communist Party will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Politics, Asian Politics, Political Parties and International Relations.

International audience ; Legal mobilization has spread in China over the past 20 years and is generally considered by both activists and scholars as a way to advance democracy and rule of law. Focusing on the mobilization in favour of migrant workers and on politically moderate practices, which are both more frequent and widely held as more successful, I argue to the contrary that resistance and reproduction of political domination are mutually constitutive. Public interest litigation and administrative litigation appear as new forms of political participation that constitute an internal regulation to the authoritarian regime, thus contributing to explain the regime's capacity to adapt and its durability. This article also accounts for new strategies developed by some lawyers that shun the courts and use law to 'empower civil society' and that thus do not contribute to structural reproduction. Though activists are struggling to turn their strategies into more institutionalized practices, they remain an ad hoc mechanism of internal control.

International audience ; Legal mobilization has spread in China over the past 20 years and is generally considered by both activists and scholars as a way to advance democracy and rule of law. Focusing on the mobilization in favour of migrant workers and on politically moderate practices, which are both more frequent and widely held as more successful, I argue to the contrary that resistance and reproduction of political domination are mutually constitutive. Public interest litigation and administrative litigation appear as new forms of political participation that constitute an internal regulation to the authoritarian regime, thus contributing to explain the regime's capacity to adapt and its durability. This article also accounts for new strategies developed by some lawyers that shun the courts and use law to 'empower civil society' and that thus do not contribute to structural reproduction. Though activists are struggling to turn their strategies into more institutionalized practices, they remain an ad hoc mechanism of internal control.