Suchergebnisse

Introduction 1. Civil Society Contributions to Policy Innovation in the PRC-- Andreas Fulda PART I: ENVIRONMENTAL NGOS: BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE? 2. Environment and Health in China: The Role of Environmental NGOs in Policy Innovation-- Kathinka Furst and Jennifer Holdaway 3. Environmental Information Disclosure and Civil Society Innovation-- Thomas Johnson 4. Public Participation in Low-carbon Policies: Climate Change and Sustainable Lifestyle Movements-- Patrick Schroder PART II: SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT NGOS: FROM SERVICE DELIVERY TO POLICY ADVOCACY? 5. Growing or Perishing? The Development of Labour NGOs-- Chun-yi Lee 6. Disability Groups Turn to the Social Enterprise Model: A New Trajectory?-- Andreas Fulda, Andrea Lane and Francesco Valente 7. 'Enabling the Disabled': The Growing Role of Civil Society in Disability Rights Advocacy-- Stephen Hallett 8. How Policy Entrepreneurs Convinced China's Government to Start Procuring Public Services from CSOs-- Yang Tuan, Huang Haoming and Andreas Fulda PART III: INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: A ROLE FOR CITIZEN DIPLOMACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY PARTNERSHIPS IN EU-CHINA RELATIONS? 9. Opportunities and Challenges for EU-China Civil Society Collaboration-- Nora Sausmikat 10. Bridging the Gaps between European and Chinese Civil Societies-- Mark Pixley and Karen Lim 11. Reinvigorating the EU-China Strategic Partnership-- Andreas Fulda and Horst Fabian Index

Chinakompetenz ist kein Allheilmittel, wenn es um den Umgang mit Chinas Einflussnahme im Ausland geht. Der Einparteienstaat gefährdet mit seinem Agieren die Wissenschaftsfreiheit. Wie Universitäten reagieren können, wird am Beispiel Großbritannien beschrieben. (APUZ)

The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ambition to neutralise independent academia at home and abroad is the conundrum at the heart of this article. Based on a review of the literature on sharp power, hybrid interference, the United Front system and the CCP's globalising censorship regime the author argues that the CCP's rule by fear has already induced self-censorship among many western academics. In the empirical part the author puts the spotlight on an increasingly contentious debate among China experts in Germany (2018-21). This expert debate on China takes place across websites, journals, interviews, public talks, public statements of learned societies as well as oral and written testimonies of China scholars at parliamentary committees. Seen in its entirety, Germany's public China discourse reveals an unwillingness to face up to the changed political realities of Xi's hard authoritarian China. The article concludes with recommendations on how to overcome arbitrary limitations imposed by the CCP's political censorship.

The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ambition to neutralise independent academia at home and abroad is the conundrum at the heart of this article. Based on a review of the literature on sharp power, hybrid interference, the United Front system and the CCP's globalising censorship regime the author argues that the CCP's rule by fear has already induced self-censorship among many western academics. In the empirical part the author puts the spotlight on an increasingly contentious debate among China experts in Germany (2018-21). This expert debate on China takes place accross websites, journals, interviews, public talks, public statements of learned societies as well as oral and written testimonies of China scholars at parliamentary committees. Seen in its entirety, Germany's public China discourse reveals an unwillingness to face up to the changed political realities of Xi's hard authoritarian China. The article concludes with recommendations on how to overcome arbitrary limitations imposed by the CCP's political censorship. ; 本文旨在展示和分析中國共產黨(CCP)如何開始介入國內和海外的學術界使其逐漸喪失獨立性。基於對銳實力、混合干預、統戰系統和中共全球審查機制的文獻回顧,筆者認為中共的恐懼統治已讓許多西方學者自行啟動自我審查。文章實證部分聚焦2018-2021年間德國漢學專家就中國問題日益激烈的論爭,相關言論發表在網站、期刊上或訪談、公開演講、學術團體的公開聲明以及漢學專家在德國議會委員會做的口頭或書面證詞中。德國就中國問題的通用表述顯示,德國不願面對習近平強硬政權下中國政治現實中發生的變化。就如何對抗中共政治審查而不受其所制,筆者在文章最後提出了建議。

This analysis considers the phenomenon of citizen diplomacy in European Union [EU]–China relations. It begins by engaging with the global discourse about "new" diplomacy and outlines how society-centric citizen diplomacy differs from state-centric public diplomacy. After revealing that European policy-makers are only reluctantly acknowledging the role of laymen in foreign policymaking vis-à-vis China, it shows that whilst citizen diplomacy may be a new concept in EU–China relations, it is actually not a new practice. The empirical part of the exegesis traces the experiential learning amongst 12 European citizen diplomats who have engaged China in the activity fields of disability; psychoanalysis; non-governmental organisation twinning; human rights; climate change mitigation; welfare of orphans, abandoned disabled children and young people; youth dialogue; public participation; animal welfare; and inclusive performing arts. The final part makes use of the newly developed hexagon of intercultural communication and collaboration competence to reveal how the European citizen diplomats have managed to navigate the sometimes-treacherous political-administrative landscape in mainland China. European citizen diplomats have made manifold and often surprising contributions to China's multifaceted development

This research paper examines how foundations—foreign and domestic, public and private, operating and grant making engage with Chinese civil society organisations in an authoritarian political context. In contrast to previous literature, which considers civil society through the lens of state-society relations, the author contends that in the case of China, civil society-building has been a foundation-led process.Following a discussion of conceptual caveats in the nascent field of foundation research, the author traces how China's evolving policy framework has influenced the development trajectories, legal statuses and modes of operation of both foreign and domestic foundations.The empirical part of the paper focuses on foundation positions, paradigms and power. Based on 12 in-depth interviews conducted in 2014 with foundation representatives and CSO leaders, this research reveals how foreign and domestic foundations position themselves vis-à vis the party-state, market and civil society; how they understand philanthropy; and how they deal with the power imbalance in the relationship between grant maker and grantee.Research findings show that foundations have different value propositions, visions and missions, as well as different theories of change, which determine their philanthropic approaches. Foreign and domestic foundation representatives primarily follow a paradigm of conventional charity, managerial philanthropy, or political philanthropy. Findings from this research raise a number of pertinent questions about the likely impacts of China's controversial Overseas NGO Law on foreign and domestic foundations and their grantees.

In this article the rise of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party {DPP) from opposition to power (1986-2001) is analyzed from the perspective of party faction development. Faction politics within the DPP can both explain the short period of radicalization in the late 1980s as well as the party's mainly tactical moderation throughout the 1990s. Upon assumption of the presidency in March 2000 the DPP became ruling party. Without a majority in the parliament, President Chen Shuibian (DPP) however failed to implement most of the party's reform policies. Chen had been too dependent on the party's hardliners while the combined opposition alliance {KMT, NP, PFP) played the role of a disloyal opposition. By discussing the prospect of inter-party coalitions after the December 2001 Legislative Yuan (LY) election this analysis comes to the conclusion that the DPP stands at the crossroads: any path - whether with or without a formal coalition - is likely to satisfy few and disappoint many.