Suchergebnisse

The present TransCrisis WP5.2 deliverable chapter reports the underway study of the response of the leaders of the European Union (EU) institutions to the inflow of irregular migrants to Europe since 2011. The alarming 700% increase in the number of people crossing into the EU without a permit in 2011 was perceived by many Europeans as a phenomenon which would trigger a crisis across the external EU borders and the borders between the EU member states (MSs). Consequently, the EU leaders were called upon to respond and develop a strategy of trans-boundary crisis management. This paper is divided into three parts – followed by a conclusion – which are structured as follows: The first part gives definitions for the phenomenon and the response, places the European migration crisis in the context of global migration flows and discusses the EU administration's approaches in its attempts to manage the crisis. The second part of this paper discusses the TransCrisis framework for the analysis of the European migration crisis by specifically looking at the scenario methodology that has been adopted in the current research and how it enables the analyst to assess the effectiveness and legitimacy of the management actions used by the acting authorities. In the third part of this paper the scenario methodology discussed in the previous section is then used to analyse the EU leaders' response to the crisis. Finally, in the Conclusions section, propositions with regards to the assessment of the management actions are given along with some recommendations to the management leaders (these being strictly provisional pending the completion of this WP study).

Introduction -- Part One - World order transition -- The World Order Lifecycle and the Emerging World Power Competition -- Friction, Competition, or Cooperation? Menu of Choice for the United States and China – A Power Transition Perspective - A fresh outlook to order transition and the Transatlantic Partnership: The Complex Adaptive Systems (CAS) perspective -- Part Two - The Atlantic Area -- Donald Trump and NATO: Limitations on the power of an unpredictable president Transcending the Rift? Realism, Transatlantic Relations, and American Grand Strategy -- World Order Transformation and Regional Security: The Transatlantic Adaptation and Change -- Transition and middle power. Turkey's strategic autonomy on the Atlantic Area border with the Middle East, the Mediterranean and the Horn of Africa From Enemies to Cousins with Undefended Border – A Formation of North American Security Community -- China's economic presence in the Baltic states and Belarus: economic statecraft amidst the great powers' competition -- Conclusions.

Innovation in the world's institutions and global politics as well as in the physical environment and practices of the contemporary societies has raised the need for specific and up-to-date knowledge about the politics and policies of relief, aid and reconstruction. This book advances the political analysis of international disaster policies which have been mostly in the domain of other social sciences. Exploring the formation of this field of study, this collection analyses the most recent disaster events including the Haiti earthquake, the tsunami in the Pacific Ocean and the genocide in Rwanda and Former Yugoslavia. Broadly linked to constructivism and neo-institutionalism, this book also looks at the impact of these cooperation policies on the governance of the present global system.

Since the European Union began to play a growing role in the relationships between the Member States and the Non-EU Mediterranean countries, the policymakers in Brussels have devoted a great deal of attention to devise and implement actions and programmes aimed at promoting peace, stability and growth to the area. The effects of such involvement have been not as significant as expected but not even insignificant. Tension has almost always floated over the Mediterranean waters because crises and violent conflicts have followed one another though never breaking all relations down. The present paper takes a cue from this feature of the Mediterranean area and proposes to watch the territory from a different angle of view. Contrary to the prevailing view of the Mediterranean as an area unaffected or scarcely affected by the dominant world policies, the paper analyses the impact of the world policy-making institutions and policies on the Mediterranean area. It also draws the readers' attention towards the participation and, in significant cases, the non-participation of the governments of the area in the world institutions and policies. Accordingly, the first section highlights the concepts useful to analyze the world as the political space in which policymaking institutions have been established for building policies that respond to world-scale problems. The second section outlines the significant security and economic world policies that have been established for responding to world problems and, consequently, for bringing order to the world, the Mediterranean area included. In the third section, the focus is on forecasting the world and Mediterranean politics of the coming years by drawing the readers' attention to the confrontation of three big powers, the USA, China and Russia. The difficulty to keep unaltered the Western coalition could not impede the renewal of the US hegemony should disorder be unsustainable to loads of countries. The Chinese model of economic openness and the non-interference of the investing companies may not work in all the Mediterranean countries. By acting as a troublemaker and game-changer in security complex settings like the Mediterranean area by bolstering authoritarian regimes, Russia mostly wants to create a situation in which the United States and the European countries find it impossible to make any decisions without its participation. Accordingly, the paper's conclusions call for building knowledge about the reconfiguration of the world coalitions and the change of the existing order and institutions. Especially the revisionism of the three states competing for world leadership requires careful investigation. Research on the influence of such a global process on the wider Mediterranean area and the involvement of the Mediterranean countries in such a process is of paramount importance. ; С тех пор, как Европейский союз стал играть растущую роль в отношениях между государствами-членами и средиземноморскими странами, не входящими в ЕС, политики в Брюсселе стали уделять большое внимание разработке и реализации действий и программ, направленных на поощрение мира, стабильности и развития в регионе. Эффект от такого участия оказался не столь значительным, как ожидалось, но, тем не менее, ощутимым. Напряжение почти всегда витало над водами Средиземного моря, потому что кризисы и жестокие конфликты следовали один за другим, но никогда не разрушали все отношения. Настоящая статья основана на этой особенности Средиземноморья и предлагает взглянуть на этот регион под другим углом зрения. Вопреки преобладающему мнению о Средиземноморье как о зоне, не затронутой или почти не затронутой основными мировыми событиями, в работе анализируется влияние международных институтов и действий, влияющих на Средиземноморский регион. Автор также привлекает внимание читателей к активной, а в некоторых случаях — к пассивной позиции правительств региона в мировых институтах и международной политике. Соответственно, первый раздел предлагает вниманию читателей концепции, пригодные для анализа мира как политического пространства, в котором были созданы институты для проведения политики, реагирующей на проблемы мирового масштаба. Во втором разделе излагаются основные международные подходы к безопасности и экономической политике, которые были разработаны для реагирования на мировые проблемы и, следовательно, для наведения порядка в мире, включая Средиземноморский регион. В третьем разделе основное внимание уделяется прогнозированию мировой и средиземноморской политики ближайших лет с учетом противостояния трех великих держав — США, Китая и России. Препятствия для сохранения в неизменном виде западной коалиции не могут помешать возобновлению гегемонии США, если беспорядок окажется неприемлемым для большого числа стран. Китайская модель экономической открытости и нейтральности компаний-инвесторов может работать не во всех странах Средиземноморья. Нарушая спокойствие и изменяя правила игры в сложных условиях безопасности, таких как Средиземноморье, поддерживая авторитарные режимы, Россия стремится создать ситуацию, в которой Соединенные Штаты Америки и европейские страны не могли бы принимать никаких решений без ее участия. Соответственно, выводы статьи призывают к накоплению знаний о реконфигурации мировых коалиций и изменении международного положения. Особенно тщательно следует исследовать политику ревизионизма трех государств, соревнующихся за мировое лидерство. Первостепенное значение имеют исследования влияния такого глобального процесса на более обширный район Средиземноморья и на участие средиземноморских стран в этом процессе.

The present paper draws the attention of political scientists towards the participation of the European Parliament in EU legislation making on migration and in the EU management of the migration crisis of the last seven years. The paper aims at knowing whether and, in the positive case, why the members of the Parliament mainly backed the management decisions and actions of the EU Council, Commission, and member governments in response to the inflow of refugees and irregular migrants. The analysis of the EP votes demonstrates that the mainstream Political Groups, namely the PGs of national mainstream parties, play as the passive legitimizers of the decisions of the European Council and the Commission. They are qualified as the passive legitimizers because the MEPs of the national mainstream parties share the policy their country government leaders adopt in the European Council towards restricting immigration. In other terms, the MEPs and the government chiefs of the mainstream national parties share the interest of being re-elected by the anti-immigration voters.