Suchergebnisse

The EU's EuroMed Youth Programme has for a long time been the only one exclusively aimed at young people in Arab Mediterranean countries. Using a policy evaluation framework, this article argues that this programme is a direct reflection of the EU policy for the Mediterranean, which is more focused on a diagnosis based on the contextualisation of the problem than on the social reality and the needs and expectations of the region's young people. Although it has been beneficial for the few young people who have participated in it, in general it possesses certain deficiencies in its design and execution that may negatively affect its results. Thus, in the design and execution of policy instruments, it is fundamental to carry out a close examination and use all the data available such as those offered by the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 - to increase and guarantee the social relevance of the cooperation programmes for young people in the region.

The EU's EuroMed Youth Programme has for a long time been the only one exclusively aimed at young people in Arab Mediterranean countries. Using a policy evaluation framework, this article argues that this programme is a direct reflection of the EU policy for the Mediterranean, which is more focused on a diagnosis based on the contextualisation of the problem than on the social reality and the needs and expectations of the region's young people. Although it has been beneficial for the few young people who have participated in it, in general it possesses certain deficiencies in its design and execution that may negatively affect its results. Thus, in the design and execution of policy instruments, it is fundamental to carry out a close examination and use all the data available such as those offered by the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 - to increase and guarantee the social relevance of the cooperation programmes for young people in the region.

This article aims to provide an alternative critical reading of Turkey-European Union (EU) relations, by contending that Turkey's EU accession process has been instrumental in changing the contours of the transformation of Turkish economy and its governance as part of its neoliberal restructuring. However, the "transformative power" attributed to the EU's enlargement strategy by the EU Commission has been somewhat debatable since the 2008 global financial crisis as reflected in the slowdown of the accession process. With the rising authoritarian tendencies in its domestic governance, the protracted saga of Turkey's quest for the EU membership is back to square one, as the proposal for the modernisation of the Customs Union underlines "respect for democracy and fundamental rights" as an indispensable basis for the future of the relations.

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 12 This paper presents an analysis of the political changes in Turkey since 1999, through a process-tracing exercise for four political drivers – namely democratisation, civil-military relations, the Kurdish question and foreign policy orientation- that unfold these changes under three periods of Turkey's political history (1999-2002; 2007-2013; 2013-present); and secondly presenting an assessment of which of the three FEUTURE scenarios for Turkey-EU relations—convergence, cooperation or conflict —is the most likely to obtain in the near future on the basis of these drivers. With the ever rising degrees of unpredictability in international relations to the side, the paper argues that the political changes in Turkey during the AKP reign are likely to escalate the already conflict-ridden relationship between Turkey and European Union, but also lays bare the perhaps more important questions of how and why this is likely to be the case. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 692976. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

This article investigates the nature, causes, and consequences of child poverty and youth unemployment in Turkey, which is a transition country between the East and the West. It is argued that this in‐betweenness leads to a gap between the intended goals and outcomes of relevant policies. The article places a special emphasis on how the post‐1980 neoliberal turn has shaped the policy orientation of successive governments, and transformed the nature of child poverty and youth unemployment in Turkey, making the socioeconomic inequalities worse while concentrating these problems into major urban centers. It is observed that Turkey still does not have a long‐term policy outlook regarding the future of child poverty and youth unemployment, such that those two issues could be treated as parts of the same problem. The same observation is also made about the related policy implementation structure. It is concluded that there is a need for a comprehensive approach, taking into account the needs and problems of the individual at different stages of life as a whole; paying attention to the interdependencies across the outcomes of state intervention in different policy areas; and ensuring policy coordination within and across currently fragmented policy implementation structures in different fields.

This article investigates the nature, causes, and consequences of child poverty and youth unemployment in Turkey, which is a transition country between the East and the West. It is argued that this in-betweenness leads to a gap between the intended goals and outcomes of relevant policies. The article places a special emphasis on how the post-1980 neoliberal turn has shaped the policy orientation of successive governments, and transformed the nature of child poverty and youth unemployment in Turkey, making the socioeconomic inequalities worse while concentrating these problems into major urban centers. It is observed that Turkey still does not have a long-term policy outlook regarding the future of child poverty and youth unemployment, such that those two issues could be treated as parts of the same problem. The same observation is also made about the related policy implementation structure. It is concluded that there is a need for a comprehensive approach, taking into account the needs and problems of the individual at different stages of life as a whole; paying attention to the interdependencies across the outcomes of state intervention in different policy areas; and ensuring policy coordination within and across currently fragmented policy implementation structures in different fields.