Suchergebnisse

This article is an attempt to assess the role played by the United States in the search for a solution to the Cyprus conflict both during and after the Cold War. The USA's role in mediating the Cyprus conflict during crisis episodes is crucial for understanding the evolution of this 48-year-old stalemate. It was the superpower politics and containment strategy during the Cold War years that determined the course of action in US crisis mediation and determined its success or failure. In the post-Cold War period, on the other hand, the success or failure of the USA's crisis mediation in Cyprus has been determined by the fact that it remained the sole hegemonic power in world politics. This article aims to sort out the implications of success and failure in the USA's role in mediating the crises of 1963, 1967, 1974 and 1998, to account for the variation in the outcomes and speculate on the possible US role to be played regarding a probable major crisis in 2004 when Cyprus joins the EU as a divided island.

Turkey's candidacy for membership of the European Union has had mixed effects on its public policies. The initial degree of cohesion between EU and Turkish national policies, practices and institutions has varied by the policy field in question, leading to a complex amalgam of fit and misfit between the two actors. Their interaction in different policy areas has had direct influence both on Turkey's accession to the EU and its own national reform process. With accession negotiations stalled and Turkey's relationship with the EU increasingly tenuous, it is vital to take stock of the extent to which Turkey and the EU are aligned in key policy areas. The Europeanization of Turkish Public Policies: A Scorecard is the first comprehensive work focusing on the impact of the EU accession process upon Turkey's public policies between 1999 and 2014. Complementing the authors' earlier volume Europeanization of Turkey: Polity and Politics, it brings together leading specialists to provide key analyses of the impact of Europeanization on specific areas of Turkey's public policy. Each chapter applies a core analytical framework to examine a separate policy field, resulting in a consistent and comprehensive volume on Turkey-EU relations. With its focused structure and extensive coverage, concluding with a scorecard enabling informed assessment of the impact of Europeanization on Turkey's public policy areas, this book provides a one-stop resource for scholars and students alike.--

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of tables -- List of abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Notes on contributors -- 1 Introduction: a framework for Europeanization of public policies -- 2 Europeanization of trade policy: an asymmetric track -- 3 Agricultural policy -- 4 Energy and Trans-European Networks‒Energy (TEN-E) -- 5 Turkish Europeanization regarding social and employment policy -- 6 The European Union and Turkey's regional policy: Europeanization through lesson-drawing -- 7 Transformation of migration and asylum policies in Turkey -- 8 Foreign and security policy: a case of the politics of alignment -- 9 On the Europeanization of minority rights protection -- 10 Gender policy: a case of instrumental Europeanization? -- 11 The Europeanization of education in Turkey -- 12 Conclusion -- Index.

Given the recent inertia in EU-Turkey relations in the midst of regional economic and political upheavals, Europeanization of Turkey takes a step back from the latest headlines to provide a comprehensive stocktaking of EU-inspired reform efforts in Turkey with an eye to understanding how effective or ineffective EU conditionality has been in making Turkey's key political institutions, actors and culture more compatible with European norms. In addition to contributing to the theoretical literature on the differential effects of Europeanization on the domestic realm, this volume also expands the.

This article critically analyses Turkish security discourses connected to the meta-geography of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) before and after the developments of the Arab Spring. A critical geopolitics approach and critical security theories in international relations provide the theoretical framework, as security discourses are considered to be a product of geopolitical imaginations and codes that, in turn, shape the making of foreign and security policies. First, the article examines the invention of BMENA as a meta-geography within Turkey's new geopolitical imagination, as well as the new geopolitical codes underlying the new security discourses. Then, the article assesses the impact of the Arab Spring, which led to major changes in Turkey's newly established geopolitical codes, formulated in the pre-Arab Spring period, and analyses the ruptures and continuities in Turkey's security discourses in the light of those developments. Finally, the article concludes that the Arab Spring, especially the Syrian crisis, shifted the focus of Turkey's foreign policy in BMENA from cooperation to conflict. This has led to a resecuritization of Turkey's geopolitical codes, discourses and security practices in the region, revealing the limitation of Turkey's current geopolitical imagination.

This article examines the Turkish case within the framework of theories that explain the impact of transnational factors upon civil-military relations in national contexts. The authors examine the impact of Turkey's European Union (EU) membership candidacy on civil-military relations in Turkey. More specifically, they elaborate on the challenges and prospects for more democratic civil-military relations in Turkey as triggered by the EU candidacy. In this regard, the article examines the notion of guardianship that characterizes the military's traditional role in Turkish politics and its institutional reflections.

In the mid-1990s, civil-military relations in Turkey came close to the liberal-democratic model. The military was essentially interested in contributing to public policy in matters it deemed important-matters that pertained to the internal and external defense of the country. Officers thought that they should make such a contribution not because they were the ultimate guardians of some substantive norms but because they had the necessary expertise. However, they became impatient if civilian governments bypassed them in the making of policy decisions deemed critical. Concerning such matters, sometimes they suggested that the people should act as arbiters in the conflict between them and civilian governments. However, officers gave the impression that if indeed the people's opinion was asked and the people supported them rather than the civilian government they would not force the civilian government to act in the way they thought best.