Suchergebnisse

Technological change impacts the agri-food sector and generates new competitive pressure. As well as the digital technologies that are introducing new business models and revolutionizing the traditional food chain, with new consumers' protection tools, emerging genetic engineering techniques (e.g. gene editing) - which the present article is focused on – are thoroughly impacting food nature and production modality. This new step of scientific progress is also blurring the line between issues traditionally ascribed to the different fields of environment law and safety law. Biotechnology is, in fact, one of the strategic keys enabling technologies to support a new green and sustainable economy (i.e. bioeconomy) responding to the need for new food production technology, more efficient resource use, and responsible value chains, in a context in which sustainable food system is promoted by the European Green Deal and the Farm to Fork strategies. Analyzing the current European debate on the appropriateness of stringent GMO legislation to new DNA alterations (such as gene editing) and discussing upcoming changes, such as for instance the perspective of overcoming the "safe enough" narrative (EGE, 2021), and the proposal stemming from the EU Commission's Study on the status of new genomic techniques (April 29, 2021), the article aims at finding out how the European Union manages to balance economic interests with consumers' fundamental rights protection to maintain the appropriate functionality of the internal market fostering innovation. The comparative study between the two main regulatory models, historically characterizing different food cultures and contexts will be analyzed in parallel with a keen eye to the most recent debate about the EU need to empower new innovative technologies for sustainability will lead us to express some critical remarks toward the factors that prevent the development of an adequate regulatory environment for agri-food biotechnologies.

En este documento se examina la relevancia del Programa de Seguro de Desempleo del Distrito Federal en la política laboral del país. Se enfatiza su adecuación al contexto del mercado laboral mexicano en etapas de crisis económicas. En la primera parte del documento se brinda un panorama al respecto.Posteriormente se abordan algunas situaciones de vulnerabilidad laboral de losgrupos de la población del D.F. que se encuentran en edades de trabajar conforme a los datos de la Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo (ENOE). Asimismo se profundiza sobre estas condiciones mediante entrevistas realizadas a solicitantes del Programa y a ejecutores y evaluadores del mismo. Finalmente se analizan los alcances de dicho programa en relación con los análisis previos y se concluye con una reflexión sobre su pertinencia como política de bienestar laboral en el contexto de crisis presente. AbstractThis document examines the importance of the Unemployment Insurance Program inthe Federal District in the country's labor policy. It emphasizes its adaptation to the context of the Mexican labor market during periods of economic crisis. The first part of the document provides an overview of the context.The author subsequently analyzes some of the situations of labor vulnerability ofpopulation groups in the Federal District who are of working age according to data from the National Occupation and Employment Survey (ENOE). These conditions are analyzed in depth through interviews conducted with applicants to the Program and with its implementers and evaluators. The article ends with an analysis of the scope of the program in relation to previous analysis and a reflection on its relevance as a policy of labor wellbeing within the context of the current crisis.

This study examined aggression and withdrawal as predictors of peer victimization. In addition, peer rejection was evaluated as both a moderator and mediator of these relations. The sample consisted of 1956 African‐American, Hispanic, and White elementary school‐aged boys and girls attending urban and inner‐city schools that were classified as high or moderate disadvantage. Correlation and regression analyses revealed that aggression predicted both contemporaneous and longitudinal victimization by peers. This relation maintained across school disadvantage, ethnicity, age, and sex, andwas mediated by rejection. Withdrawal, mediated by rejection, predicted victimization for fourth graders only; withdrawal also reduced risk for victimization for low rejected children. The implications for understanding the dynamics of childhood victimization and intervention are discussed.

AbstractOver the past decades, public concern over youth violence has led to a proliferation of prevention programs as well as a corresponding push to identify programs that "work." A more accurate understanding of effectiveness as well as failure can be found by reframing the questions to ask what works, for whom, and under what conditions.

Background Despite increasing evidence on health inequalities over the past decades, further efforts to strengthen capacities to produce research on this topic are still urgently needed to inform effective interventions aiming to address these inequalities. To strengthen these research capacities, an initial comprehensive understanding of the health inequalities research production process is vital. However, most existing research and models are focused on understanding the relationship between health inequalities research and policy, with less focus on the health inequalities research production process itself. Existing conceptual frameworks provide valuable, yet limited, advancements on this topic; for example, they lack the capacity to comprehensively explain the health (and more specifically the health inequalities) research production process at the local level, including the potential pathways, components and determinants as well as the dynamics that might be involved. This therefore reduces their ability to be empirically tested and to provide practical guidance on how to strengthen the health inequalities research process and research capacities in different settings. Several scholars have also highlighted the need for further understanding and guidance in this area to inform effective action. Methods Through a critical review, we developed a novel conceptual model that integrates the social determinants of health and political economy perspectives to provide a comprehensive understanding of how health inequalities research and the related research capacities are likely to be produced (or inhibited) at local level. Results Our model represents a global hypothesis on the fundamental processes involved, and can serve as a heuristic tool to guide local level assessments of the determinants, dynamics and relations that might be relevant to better understand the health inequalities research production process and the related research capacities. Conclusions This type of knowledge can assist researchers and decision-makers to identify any information gaps or barriers to be addressed, and establish new entry points to effectively strengthen these research capacities. This can lead to the production of a stronger evidence base, both locally and globally, which can be used to inform strategic efforts aimed at achieving health equity.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to use data from the 2008 and 2012 US Senate elections to examine the relationship between candidate size (obese, overweight, normal weight) and candidate selection and election outcomes.Design/methodology/approach– Using pictures captured from candidate web sites, participants rated the size of candidates in the primary and general US Senate elections.χ2 analyses,t-tests and hierarchical multiple regressions were used to test for evidence of bias against overweight and obese candidates and whether gender and election information moderate that relationship.Findings– Obese candidates were largely absent from the pool of candidates in both the primary and general elections. Overweight women, but not overweight men, were also underrepresented. Supporting our hypothesis that there is bias against overweight candidates, heavier candidates tended to receive lower vote share than their thinner counterparts, and the larger the size difference between the candidates, the larger the vote share discrepancy. The paper did not find a moderating effect for gender or high-information high vs low-information elections on the relationship between candidate size and vote share.Research limitations/implications– Further research is needed to understand the process by which obese candidates are culled from the candidate pool and the cognitions underlying the biases against overweight candidates.Social implications– Because of the bias against obese political candidates, as much as one-third of the adult US population are likely to be excluded or being elected to a major political office.Originality value– This study is the first to use election data to examine whether bias based on size extends to the electoral process.

Diaphania hyalinata (Lepidoptera: Crambidae), popularly known as "melonworm moth", is considered a main pest of the cucumber, and depending on the intensity of infestation, the damage can reach 100%. Herein, we report the predation of D. hyalinata larvae by seven social wasp species: Brachygastra lecheguana, Polybia dimidiata, Polybia ignobilis, Polybia liliacea, Protopolybia minutissima, Synoeca surinama and Synoeca virginea, and predation of D. hyalinata pupae by Polybia liliacea. We suggest that Polybia liliacea, should be considered as a potential biological control for cucumbers, due to its high index of captured prey and intense foraging activity.