Suchergebnisse

U članku autor analizira odnos hrvatskoga kulturnog društva, Družbe "Braća Hrvatskoga Zmaja", čija je jedna od svrha bila njegovati uspomenu na "slavne događaje iz hrvatske prošlosti i na znamenite Hrvate", prema baštini Prvoga svjetskog rata. Pritom taj odnos promatra kroz tri vremenske faze koje su djelovale izvan ovoga društva (fazu djelovanja društva unutar Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, unutar monarhističke Jugoslavije i unutar Nezavisne Države Hrvatske) te kroz dvije faze koje su djelovale unutar društva (fazu djelovanja društva pod Emilom Laszowskim do sredine 1930-ih i fazu nakon toga). Budući da autor ovo društvo u tom razdoblju određuje kao reprezentativno hrvatsko kulturno društvo, smatra da bi njegov odnos prema baštini Prvoga svjetskog rata mogao biti i pokazatelj odnosa cjelokupne hrvatske javnosti prema tom ratu.

Using the available literature, press articles, and archival material, the author analyses the relationship of a Croatian cultural association, the Society of Brethren of the Croatian Dragon (SBCD), towards World War I heritage. This analysis includes the period from the beginning of World War I to the end of World War II. Since he considers the SBCD a representative Croatian cultural association in this period, the author believes that its relationship towards World War I heritage may be an indicator of the relationship of the Croatian public in general towards this war. During his research, the author noticed that this association was significantly active in all efforts whose goal was to preserve the memory of this war for future generations. After the end of World War I and the creation of the Yugoslav state, this activity almost completely ceased, and the situation did not change after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The author considers that there were multiple reasons for this lack of interest in World War I heritage. Firstly, the participation of Croats in the armed forces of Austria-Hungary, which was an enemy of Serbia, was politically problematic topic in the new state and therefore avoided, especially since the new state was dominated by Serbs and built on Serbian victory culture. The political circumstances were also important in this context. If this society fostered 'soft' Croatness until the mid-1930s, striving to find a compromise between preserving Croatian national identity and respecting the Yugoslav state framework, how can one explain that the relationship of the society towards World War I remained unchanged since the mid-1930s, when a more combative Croatian spirit had spread through the society, and especially during the Independent State of Croatia? In his answer to this question, the author proposes that the symbolism of World War I, in which Croats fought on the side of Austria-Hungary—a state that was seen as a foreign entity—did not have the capacity to support ...

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i
političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s
temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na
takvo njegovo predstavljanje.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

Svrha ovoga rada bila je, da se utvrđivanjem razlika u djelovanju Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava) u varaždinskom i ludbreškom kotaru početkom 20. stoljeća, doprinese razumijevanju razlika, koje danas postoje između dviju hrvatskih regija, Varaždinštine i Podravine. Spomenute razlike autor je analizirao prvenstveno na temelju izbornih rezultata, kao i na temelju društvene strukture pristaša ove stranke, koju je pokušao rekonstruirati putem povezanosti istaknutih članova stranke, s pojedinim gospodarskim institucijama u ovim kotarima. U svom radu autor je primijetio, da je ova stranka prije prodrla u ludbreški nego u varaždinski kotar, da je u varaždinski kotar prodrla iz ludbreškog kotara, te da je u ludbreškom kotaru čvršće uporište stvorila samo u Ludbregu, dok je u varaždinskom kotaru čvrsta uporišta stvorila u njegovim seoskim općinama. Posljednja činjenica omogućila je prodor Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke u ludbreški kotar, te uzrokovala njezino zaustavljanje na granicama varaždinskog kotara. Polazeći od donedavne pripadnosti prostora varaždinskog kotara Podravini, te od postojeće definicije Podravine kao ishodišnog područja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke, autor je zaključio da je Čista stranka prava (Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava/Stranka prava), zaustavljajući prelijevanje utjecaja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke iz ludbreškog u varaždinski kotar, znatno doprinijela izdvajanju varaždinskog kotara u posebnu regiju, Varaždinštinu. ; This article aims to understand the differences between the two Croatian regions, Podravina and Varaždinština, based on differences in political activity of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Party of Rights/Party of Rights) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Varaždin and Ludbreg county. The author analyzed these differences based on the election results and the social structure of party members in both county. He noted that this party had previously penetrated into the Ludbreg rather than Varaždin county, that it penetrated into the Varaždin county from the Ludbreg county, and that in the Ludbreg county it created a stronger stronghold only in Ludbreg, while in the Varaždin county it created stronger stronghold in the countryside. This enabled the penetration of the Croatian People's Peasant Party into the Ludbreg county, and caused it to stop at the borders of the Varaždin county. The author started from the former affiliation of the Varaždin county to Podravina, and from the existing definition of Podravina as the startin area of the Croatian People's Peasant Party. Based on this he concluded that the Pure Party of Rights, stopping the overflow influence of the Croatian People's Peasant Party from Ludbreg to Varaždin county, significantly contributed to the separation of Varaždin county into a special region, Varaždinština.

U ovom članku autor je na temelju postojeće literature, arhivskog gradiva i tiska pokušao rekonstruirati gdje su bila uporišta i tko su bili nositelji "frankovačke" stranke u Srijemskoj županiji uoči Prvoga svjetskoga rata. Kao polazišna točka poslužili su naknadni izbori u Cerni, jednom od izbornih kotara ove županije, održani 1907, na kojima je "frankovačka" stranka zabilježila svoj prvi izborni uspjeh u toj županiji, a kao zaključna točka posljednji redovni saborski izbori u banskoj Hrvatskoj, održani 1913. godine. Prateći izborne rezultate "frankovačke" stranke u Srijemskoj županiji u ovom razdoblju, te stavljajući ih u kontekst etničke strukture pojedinih izbornih kotara i odnosa političkih snaga u njima, autor je pokušao odgovoriti na pitanje je li navedeni izborni uspjeh ove stranke iz 1907. godine bio prolaznog karaktera ili je značio trajnu utemeljenost "frankovačke" stranke i njezinog, ekskluzivno hrvatskog nacionalno-političkog programa u Srijemskoj županiji. ; Taking as his point of departure the circumstance that before World War I the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights) was the only political party in Croatia consistently representing the national-political programme in the spirit of the Pravaši, in this paper the author has attempted to give an answer to the question how much influence this party had in Srijem County during that period. This was a county that out of all the Croatian counties, primarily due to its ethnic structure, was the least open to that programme. Its ethnic structure, with the Croats making up only a quarter of the population and the Serbs being dominant in the majority of the administrative and electoral districts, greatly contributed to the strengthening of the unionist and Greater Serbian programme and caused the relatively late emergence of the "Frankovci" party and its programme in this area. For the same reasons, any stronger influence of this party remained confined to the western part of the County with a Croatian majority (administrative districts Vinkovci and Županja) and to a much lesser extent to islands with a Croatian majority within the mostly Serbian populated parts of the rest of the County. The greatest influence of the party was exerted in the territory of Vinkovci and to a lesser extent in Županja where in the above period a stronger influence had been achieved by Croatian parties that had abandoned the principles of the Party of Rights (Croatian Party of Rights) or had never even espoused these principles (the Croatian People's Peasant Party).

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

U članku se na temelju arhivskih izvora, tiska i dostupne literature prikazuje djelovanje vojno-veteranskih društava s prostora bivše banske Hrvatske u međuratnom razdoblju (1918. – 1941.). U svojem prikazu autori su se prvenstveno usredotočili na odnos jugoslavenskih vlasti prema hrvatskim vojno-veteranskim društvima, koja su okupljala vojne veterane poražene austrougarske vojske, ali i na odnos radikalnih hrvatskih nacionalista prema tim društvima.