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"The influence of the People's Republic of China on world affairs is increasingly keenly felt: in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America and in Europe and North America too. But what are the reasons for China's rise and how can the West adapt? Advantage China explores these essential questions and the political, economic and cultural factors behind the answers. From the economic and demographic pressures of China's domestic economy to the expanding economic influence of the Belt and Road Initiative, Jeremy Garlick looks beyond Western misperceptions of China's rise to argue for new approaches to the international political order, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic."

There has been a great deal of speculation and prognostication about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The project's name suggests it is intended to be an economic corridor' connecting Pakistan overland with China's Xinjiang province. This book examines whether CPEC's primary purpose is as an overland conduit for trade and economic cooperation between China and Pakistan. The key finding is that aims related to regional geopolitics and internal security have, in reality, a more significant impact. The book demonstrates that China's goals in Pakistan are primarily geopolitical rather than geo-economic, since the notion of constructing an economic and transportation corridor' between Pakistan and China is logistically and economically problematic due to a range of foreseeable problems. Most importantly, border disputes with India and the containment of domestic separatism motivate are the driving forces for cooperation between the partners. This book will be of interest to scholars who researchthe BRI, as well as policy makers.

This book merges macro- and micro-level analysis of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to dissect China's aim in creating an integrated Eurasian continent through this single mega-project. BRI has been the source of much interest and confusion, as established frameworks of analysis seek to understand China's intentions behind the policy. China's international activity in the early 21st century has not yet been successfully theorised by IR scholars because of a failure to satisfactorily encompass its complexity. In addition, the mix-and-match syncretism of the Chinese approach to foreign policy has been under-emphasised or omitted in many analyses. Bringing together complexity thinking and analytic eclecticism to assess the degree to which this scheme can transform international relations, Garlick critically examines this large-scale interconnectivity project and its potential impacts.

The idea of China and the European Union cooperating on energy security is one which may not seem logical or likely at first glance. The two actors are geographically distant from one another and their energy supply needs and routes do not intersect for the most part. Yet careful study of the possibilities reveals that there is not only the potential, but also the need for cooperation on energy security. This is particularly the case in the field of renewables, where there is an opportunity to achieve win-win synergies which can produce enhanced outcomes in terms of local and global energy production and consumption. ; Publication is a part of the project: Regional Center for International Debate in Lodz 2017–2018 Project co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Intense interest in the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was stimulated when US$46 billion of investment agreements were signed in April 2015, a sum which two years later increased to US$62 billion. A major focus of CPEC is on developing overland transportation and pipeline links from the port of Gwadar to the Chinese province of Xinjiang as a land-based alternative to the maritime 'chokepoint' of the Straits of Malacca. This article assesses the viability of pipelines connecting China to the Indian Ocean through Pakistan via a close analysis of evidence obtained from both primary and secondary sources. It concludes that the overland connection is beset with difficulties because of geographical, economic and security problems, and that China's long-term motivations for maintaining a presence in Pakistan are likely to be chiefly geopolitical rather than geo-economic. In fact, China's primary aim with CPEC and other investments is to hedge against India by establishing a physical presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), a strategy which is herein referred to as geo-positional balancing. (J Contemp china/GIGA)

In 2012, China and the European Union (EU) issued a joint declaration on energy security. It is unclear, however, what progress has been made since then in terms of applying the goals of the declaration. This paper sets out to assess the present state of China and the EU's energy security, the potential for future cooperation, and the obstacles which stand in the way. The analysis assesses the extent to which the two actors can work together on improving energy infrastructure, diversifying supplies, and developing renewable and nuclear energy, possibly by finding synergies between China's Belt and Road Initiative and the EU's Juncker Plan. It also includes a re-examination of the concept of energy security to take account of the urgency of addressing the collapse of the global environment. Overall, the analysis suggests that although due to geographical and other constraints there may be limited opportunity for cooperation between the EU and China on securing oil and gas supplies, there are both scope and a pressing need for joint action in the field of renewable energy.

China's 'One Belt, One Road' (OBOR) initiative is a grand plan to connect Asia, Europe and East Africa economically. However, from India's point of view, China's attempt at what it describes as geo-economic expansion appears as a geopolitical threat because of China's activity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This essay assesses the extent to which OBOR is (i) realistic and achievable, (ii) a genuine threat to India and (iii) amenable to possible Indian involvement. It concludes that India should continue to be wary of its neighbour in national security terms, but has no option but to cooperate with China economically by participating in OBOR if it seriously wishes to increase economic growth and bring the 'Make in India' and Sagarmala projects to fruition. In particular, India should seriously consider allowing Chinese companies to develop one or more Indian ports with associated infrastructure and manufacturing.

China's rise to the status of a global power is a very complex phenomenon. Yet students of international relations (IR) are taught that a good theory should be 'parsimonious', meaning that it should explain a lot with a little. In relation to China's rise, the problem with theoretical parsimony may be not what it includes but what it leaves out. This article argues that lack of explanatory breadth and depth in connection with China's IRs demonstrates a shortcoming in mainstream IR theories such as neorealism, offensive realism and constructivism. A candidate for an IR theory which explains more with more is complexity theory (CT), which utilises a conceptual toolkit including non-linearity, feedback effects, emergent properties and complex adaptive systems. CT's toolkit, already used in the natural sciences, seems a good candidate to explain the hard-to-predict phenomena that emerge in the international sphere, but has not yet been developed into a clear theoretical lens in IR. In this article, the rise of China is analysed through the lenses of three mainstream theories and CT in order to assess the strengths and shortcomings of each approach and to suggest how CT's 'conceptual toolkit' might be utilised to flesh out existing IR theories in order to explain China's rise more fully.