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AbstractThis article reviews the socioeconomic factors that have shaped Estonia's regional population development during the last 30 years. In the 1990s, primary and secondary industries declined and massive urbanization started, depopulating rural and old industrial areas while suburban sprawl developed around the capital Tallinn. Urban growth accelerated in the 2000s, and the 2008 global financial crisis prompted migration from the peripheries. Since 2015, Estonia's population has been growing thanks to returning emigrants and new immigrants. Recent years have witnessed the spread effect and spatial oscillation boosted by COVID‐19 and the Ukrainian war. Additionally, a growing number of people live temporarily in multiple places, including remote rural localities.

This research delves into the Nongovernmental Organisations' presence on the international scene, in an effort to grasp its significance for the traditional political order and for the democratic dynamics within it. The growing presence of multiple and concurrent autonomous centres of power, peculiar to the current political organisations, and furthered by the process of globalization, have represented a contributing factor of the overcome of social and political boundaries along with the State's centrality itself. The nongovernmental sphere has had a fundamental role in the process of "remodeling" the international order, becoming at the same time an essential tool for its comprehension. Therefore, this research is focused on the analysis of NGOs' intervention in war-torn societies, in order to examine the dynamics of interdependence binding them with the other social actors involved in the conflict. This thesis is articulated in four chapters. The first is dedicated to develop a theoretical framework of the genesis and the role of NGOs. The second is focused on two aspect of Nongovernmental Organisations'intervention in conflict zones: the relationship between them and the other actors of the conflict, United Nations, the State and local actors; and the principles that inform their intervention. The third chapter delves into the intricacies of the nongovernmental organisations, with particular reference to their inherent weaknesses and how they have affected NGOs'work. The last chapter examines the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on the most significant historical and political moments for the Nongovernmental sphere.

We consider a two-period model in which politicians differ in their motivations, and show that a good politician may suboptimally provide a public good that gives an immediate payoff because if he provided one that gives a payoff only in the second term, the citizens would consider it sufficiently likely that he is a bad politician and, therefore, they would not reelect him. Quite surprisingly, such short-termism may be socially optimal: it increases the probability that the office will be held in the future by a good politician and induces a bad politician to act more in the public interest. Adapted from the source document.

In 2005, Garry Kasparov established the "United Civil Front" to organize countrywide opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin. In this interview, Kasparov answers questions on: (1) the parallels between fascism & the current regime; (2) the lack of democracy in Russia; (3) the differences in standard of living in the capital Moscow & the rest of the country; (4) the general lack of awareness for civil society & whether this may affect the popularity of the "United Civil Front"; (5) Russia's relations with China & India; & (6) his personal motivations in standing up to the current regime. A. Kallioinen