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A central problem in political inquiry is the conceptual and linguistic informality of political science. For most of its history, the discipline has been largely pursued with the analytic and logical machinery of ordinary language. Likewise, there has been little effort to standardize how language is used, or to systematize theoretical procedures to insure methodological uniformity. In an effort to better understand and defend the research processes that attend, sustain, and foster the systematic credibility of political science, Gregor argues a special conceptual language is needed to enhance the rigor, replicability, articulation, and interpretation of political science's empirical findings.Gregor reviews the conceptual inventory of the social sciences in general with particular emphasis on distinctions between descriptive, theoretical, and normative language. He analyzes what might count as "objectivity" and "truth" in a given set of circumstances in an effort to standardize how political scientists make such distinctions. How "theory" and "explanation" might be assessed in less rigorous disciplines is also considered. Gregor is opposed to the postmodernist tendency to use "language games" in the social sciences that purport to close the gaps separating the discourses of knowledge, ethics and politics, but do so at the expense of clarity, rigor, and objectivity. In Gregor's view, these alternative perspectives have exploited vagueness and ambiguity in order to accomplish what they consider to be their political tasks. A substantial postscript to this edition traces some of the postmodernist perspectives to their origins in the works of particular individuals and to their history in the thought of twentieth-century Europe.Metascience and Politics attempts to address all these issues, with brevity and seriousness of purpose, in order to provide a defensible rationale for the scientific character of social and political studies. It will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, and intellectual historians.A. James Gregor is professor of political science at the University of California at Berkeley and an adjunct professor at Command and Staff College, U.S. Marine Corps University at Quantico, Virginia. He has also been awarded the Order of Merit by the President of the Italian Republic for his contribution to Italy as a nation through his published works. He is the author of Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism, Interpretations of Fascism, Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, and Marxism, China, and Development, all published by Transaction.

A great deal of effort has been expended by Anglo-American scholars in an attempt to isolate past and contemporary "fascisms", "neofascisms", "cryptofascisms" and "latent" fascisms in the modern world. A. James Gregor's "Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time" is an insightful history of the intellectual rationale for Benito Mussolini's fascism offered by major Italian intellectuals. The book provides a list of recurrent features that helps to identify the generic phenomenon. This lucid account reviews seriously neglected aspects of intellectual history, describing the socioeconomic and political conditions that precipitate and sustain fascism. Gregor shows that Italian fascism was supported by a responsible and credible rationale. His account of that rationale permits us to understand the appeal fascism as an ideal has exercised over elites and masses in the 20th century. Gregor offers a credible list of traits in showing how instances of fascism can be identified when they first appear. The last chapters of the work are devoted to a case study of the newly emergent post-Soviet Russian nationalism and its affinities with historic fascism. Gregor discusses the implications of the rise of generic fascism in the former Soviet Union and post-Maoist China. This timely volume offers an alternative to conventional interpretations of the major historical events of the 20th century. "Phoenix" is must reading for scholars and policymakers dealing with European history between the two world wars, and should will be instructive for anyone interested in the fascist ideology in a new millennium.

"This volume constitutes a survey of social science efforts to explain the fascist phenomenon. Attempts to adequately interpret fascism have involved an inordinate number of social researchers and historians for an inordinate amount of time over the past half century. For all that we still find ourselves without a compelling account of the entire complex sequence. Fascism constitutes a significant concern for students of contemporary politics. To develop an intellectually defensible explanation of the nature, origins, and development of Italian Fascism and German Nazism remains a responsibility still outstanding. Interpretations of Fascism provides a review of the efforts that have been made to date to interpret and explain the phenomenon, It addresses itself specifically to those efforts undertaken to provide a social science explanation of Mussolini's Fascism. Dealing wiht the special application of social science methods to a specific problem, the book provides a special angle to examine this ubiquitous system in a comparable context. The book should be useful for college courses inb political theory, comparative politics, democracy and dictatorship, economic and political change, and modern European history. The new edition is graced by a provocative, lengthy new essay reviewing the literature from 1973 through 1996. As such, it is an up to date examination of fascism in our times. Professor Gregor is careful to emphasize that fascist movements can thrive in confines far beyond Italy and Germany. It has found fertile soil from Russia to Africa. In short, Gregor argues that this makes fascism a movement that extends through political space no less than historical time. The documentation of the book is now very rich, with a bibliographic review that can serve experts and generalists alike. Stanley G. Payne credits Gregor with -clearing away useless, obfuscatory theoretical debris-, claiming that -Gregor's book serves the study of fascist politics very well indeed-. And Giuseppe Prezzolini, introduced the Italian language edition by noting that -Interpretations of Fascism is rich in information and scientifically precise in style ... a reflection of an intelligence that operates beyond passions.-"--Provided by publisher.

"China has always been something of a mystery to Westerners. For one genera-tion, Mao Zedong and his followers were simple "agrarian reformers," while for another they were the "communist emperor and his blue ants." In the 1970s, some of the finest Sinologists believed there was much the United States could learn from Mao's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with regard to bureaucracy, criminal justice, health care, and mass education. By the 1980s, those same theo-rists asserted that Maoism was nothing more than a feudal fascism and had abso-lutely nothing positive to teach. Marxism, China, and Development provides a plausible explanation of these developments that have had such a powerful effect on the people of China for the past half century.The author describes and explains the strange collection of beliefs that made up the Marxism of Mao Zedong. He seeks to understand why the communist leader-ship of China, like that of the USSR, tried to spur economic growth by abandoning the market modalities common to developed economies. A. James Gregor's con-ceptual framework is both original, and makes more comprehensible the history of Marxism and the history of China. Among the major topics he covers are imperi-alism, political democracy, economics, and alternatives to Maoism and Marxism for China.While it is unlikely that our understanding of so complex a series of events as modern Chinese history will soon become less controversial, Marxism, China, and Development's clear, concise explanations will clarify some perplexing areas, and make the new turns in Chinese political economy more understandable. This is a monumental effort at theory construction that will be of interest to political scien-tists, economists, sociologists, and Sinologists."--Provided by publisher.

An assessment of the influence of the Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels on revolutionary developments in China. The work covers the period from the first appearance of the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong until its full transformation by Deng Xiaoping - into a nationalist, developmental, single-party, developmental dictatorship

This volume constitutes a rigorous attempt to assess the actual influence of traditional Marxist theory - the doctrines of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels - on developments in revolutionary China. Employing primary documents, the exposition carries the reader from the first years of the Chinese Communist Party, through the stresses of the war of resistance against Japan and the Civil War - that concluded with the proclamation of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. An account of the Mao epoch, inspired by a fundamentally transformed Marxism, is prelude to the 'Second Chinese Revolution' that saw the 'Thought of Deng Xiaoping' shaping the destiny of the New China. The role of modern China, as a reactive nationalist, single-party, developmental dictatorship, is assessed against what we know of such systems, and how they have influenced our history in the past.

Fascism has traditionally been characterized as irrational and anti-intellectual, finding expression exclusively as a cluster of myths, emotions, instincts, and hatreds. This intellectual history of Italian Fascism--the product of four decades of work by one of the leading experts on the subject in the English-speaking world--provides an alternative account. A. James Gregor argues that Italian Fascism may have been a flawed system of belief, but it was neither more nor less irrational than other revolutionary ideologies of the twentieth century. Gregor makes this case by presenting for the fi

The roots of revolutionary ideology -- The heterodox Marxism of Ludwig Woltmann -- The heterodox Marxism of Georges Sorel -- The heterodox Marxism of V.I. Lenin -- The heterodox Marxism of Benito Mussolini -- The national question and Marxist orthodoxy -- Revolutionary syndicalism and nationalism -- The Great War and the response of revolutionary Marxists -- The Great War, revolution, and Leninism -- The great war, revolution, and fascism