Suchergebnisse

How Welfare Worked in the Early United States traces the lives of five people from the Revolutionary War to 1850. The book explains welfare--or "poor relief," as early Americans called it--in its original form as well as the government's obligation to provide this aid throughout time.

¿Psicología gay? -- ¿Soy homosexual? -- Asumir que soy homosexual -- El inmenso daño causado por los homófobos -- Conoce el mundo en el que te vas a desenvolver -- Feliz-mente homosexual. Cuaderno de trabajo para superar las secuelas del "bullying" homofóbico

Abstract
Recent years have generated an unprecedented popular decision about US racial identity. Before this, popular sentiment and legal policy clearly and congruently promoted immigration of white noncitizens, while severely restricting others. Until the Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1965, the US law reflected Justice Grier's statement in Smith v. Turner, 48 U.S. 283, 461 (1849): "It is the cherished policy of the general government to encourage and invite Christian foreigners of our own race to seek an asylum within our borders, and to . . . add to the wealth, population, and power of the nation." However, the 1965 reform and its successors diversified the immigrant stream and the nation, and current polls indicate that the majority of the US population now supports a generous and non-discriminatory immigration policy.

Nachdem Joe Biden die Präsidentschaftswahlen in den USA für sich entscheiden konnte, stellt sich die Frage, wie sich die transatlantischen Beziehungen zwischen den USA und der Europäischen Union zukünftig entwickeln werden. Das Verhältnis zwischen der USAdministration unter Donald Trump und der EU war durch gegenseitiges Misstrauen geprägt, das sich in verbalen Attacken und konkret in Strafzöllen ausgewirkt hat. Nun schlägt Joe Biden versöhnlichere Töne an, weshalb die EU auf einen Neustart nicht nur der transatlantischen Handelsbeziehungen hoffen darf. Die Autorinnen und Autoren analysieren, wie sich die USA in den Jahren der Trump-Administration wirtschaftlich und gesellschaftlich entwickelt haben und geben einen Ausblick auf die zukünftigen Herausforderungen und Potenziale der transatlantischen Beziehungen. ; After Joe Biden won the presidential election in the USA, the question arises as to how transatlantic relations between the USA and the European Union will develop in the future. The relationship between the Trump administration and the EU was characterised by mutual mistrust, which was reflected in verbal attacks and specifically in punitive tariffs. President-elect Biden is adopting a more conciliatory tone, which is why the EU can hope for a new start, not only in transatlantic trade relations. The authors analyse how the USA has developed economically and socially during the Trump administration and provide an outlook on the future potential and challenges of transatlantic relations.

Opportunistische Regierungen haben vielfache Anreize, unilateral vom Freihandel abzuweichen, zum Beispiel um ihre Terms of trade zu verbessern. Doch was individuell rational sein mag, führt kollektiv in eine Situation, in der alle Länder schlechter gestellt sind, und aus der sie nur schwer herausfinden. Die neuere Forschung zeigt, dass es das Prinzip der Reziprozität im GATT/WTO-System ermöglicht hat, aus diesem Gefangenendilemma auszubrechen. Das Prinzip stellt sicher, dass bei Zollsenkungen die Terms of trade der Länder konstant bleiben, so dass alle Beteiligten profitieren. Reziprozität bedeutet auch, dass der Bruch von Vereinbarungen durch streng reglementierte "Gegenzölle" kompensiert werden darf. Die glaubwürdige Drohung mit solchen Maßnahmen ist das einzige Mittel, opportunistisches Verhalten in Schach zu halten und die Stabilität der multilateralen Ordnung zu bewahren. Daher ist es auch richtig, dass die EU auf die unter dem Vorwand der Bedrohung der nationalen Sicherheit erhobenen amerikanischen Zölle auf Stahl und Aluminium mit maßvollen Vergeltungszöllen reagiert hat.

In contemporary America, legislators send messages about values through symbolic legislation and lawsuits. One conflict is between states where marijuana is legal and others that continue to ban it. This Article evaluates what might happen if anti-marijuana states made it illegal for their citizens to purchase or use marijuana, borrowing a page from the playbook of activists opposed to reproductive choice who propose that if Roe v. Wade is overturned, individuals could be prohibited from traveling to another state for the purpose of obtaining an abortion. Although such laws would be hard to enforce, they still present important questions of state authority. The Supreme Court has recognized state jurisdiction over citizens and over state territory. If, say, Alabama prohibited gambling in its territory, or by its citizens anywhere in the world, while Nevada's public policy was to allow gambling in its territory, a difficult conflict would be presented. However, the marijuana controversy does not present the same problem. Federal law categorically prohibits possession, use, and distribution of marijuana. In order to hold that state marijuana laws are not preempted by the federal ban, courts have found that the states do not have a public policy in favor of marijuana, they merely decline to prohibit it. As a result, the policies of the anti-marijuana states do not conflict with the interests of other states in the way that states opposed to abortion or gambling might conflict with states affirmatively allowing those activities. Although the law in this area is not particularly developed, making reliable prediction difficult, a state's national ban on marijuana seems much more likely to pass muster than would a ban on activities affirmatively promoted by another state.

AbstractLeaked information, such as WikiLeaks' Cablegate, constitutes a unique and valuable data source for researchers interested in a wide variety of policy‐oriented topics. Yet political scientists have avoided using leaked information in their research. This article argues that we can and should use leaked information as a data source in scholarly research. First, the methodological, ethical, and legal challenges related to the use of leaked information in research have been considered, concluding that none of these present serious obstacles. Second, how political scientists can use leaked information to generate novel and unique insights concerning political phenomena using a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods have been shown. Specifically, how leaked documents reveal important details concerning the Trans‐Pacific Partnership negotiations, and how leaked diplomatic cables highlight a significant disparity between the U.S. government's public attitude toward traditional knowledge and its private behavior have been demonstrated.